"Chapter V: First
Days at Hull-House." by Jane Addams (1860-1935)
From: Twenty
Years at Hull-House with Autobiographical Notes. by Jane Addams. New York:
The MacMillan Company, 1912 (c.1910) pp. 89-112.
A HULL-HOUSE INTERIOR.
[Page 89]
CHAPTER V
FIRST DAYS AT HULL-HOUSE
THE next January found Miss Starr and myself
in Chicago, searching for a neighborhood in which we might put our plans into
execution. In our eagerness to win friends for the new undertaking, we
utilized every opportunity to set forth the meaning of the Settlement as it
had been embodied at Toynbee Hall, although in those days we made no appeal
for money, meaning to start with our own slender resources. From the very
first the plan received courteous attention, and the discussion, while often
skeptical, was always friendly. Professor Swing wrote a commendatory column
in the Evening Journal,
and our early speeches were reported quite out of proportion to their worth.
I recall a spirited evening at the home of Mrs. Wilmarth,
which was attended by that renowned scholar, Thomas Davidson, and by a young
Englishman who was a member of the then new Fabian society and to whom a
peculiar glamour was attached because he had scoured knives all summer in a
camp of high-minded philosophers in the Adirondacks. Our new little plan met
with criticism, not to say disapproval, from Mr. Davidson, [Page 90] who, as nearly as I can remember, called it
"one of those unnatural attempts to understand life through cooperative
living."
It was in vain we asserted that the collective living was not an
essential part of the plan, that we would always scrupulously pay our own
expenses, and that at any moment we might decide to scatter through the
neighborhood and to live in separate tenements; he still contended that the
fascination for most of those volunteering residence would lie in the
collective living aspect of the Settlement. His contention was, of course,
essentially sound; there is a constant tendency for the residents to
"lose themselves in the cave of their own companionship," as the
Toynbee Hall phrase goes, but on the other hand, it is doubtless true that
the very companionship, the give and take of colleagues, is what tends to
keep the Settlement normal and in touch with "the world of things as
they are." I am happy to say that we never resented this nor any other difference of opinion, and that fifteen
years later Professor Davidson handsomely acknowledged that the advantages of
a group far outweighed the weaknesses he had early pointed out. He was at
that later moment sharing with a group of young men, on the East Side of New
York, his ripest conclusions in philosophy and was much touched by their
intelligent interest and absorbed devotion. I think that time has also
justified our early contention [Page 91] that the mere foothold of a house, easily
accessible, ample in space, hospitable and tolerant in spirit, situated in
the midst of the large foreign colonies which so easily isolate themselves in
American cities, would be in itself a serviceable thing for Chicago. I am not
so sure that we succeeded in our endeavors "to make social intercourse
express the growing sense of the economic unity of society and to add the
social function to democracy". But Hull-House was soberly opened on the
theory that the dependence of classes on each other is reciprocal; and that
as the social relation is essentially a reciprocal relation, it gives a form
of expression that has peculiar value.
In our search for a vicinity in which to settle we went about
with the officers of the compulsory education department, with city missionaries,
and with the newspaper reporters whom I recall as a much older set of men
than one ordinarily associates with that profession, or perhaps I was only
sent out with the older ones on what they must all have considered a quixotic
mission. One Sunday afternoon in the late winter a reporter took me to visit
a so-called anarchist sunday school, several of
which were to be found on the northwest side of the city. The young man in
charge was of the German student type, and his face flushed with enthusiasm
as he led the children singing one of Koerner's
poems. The newspaperman, who did not understand German, asked me what abomi- [Page 92] nable stuff they
were singing, but he seemed dissatisfied with my translation of the simple
words and darkly intimated that they were "deep ones," and had
probably "fooled" me. When I replied that Koerner
was an ardent German poet whose songs inspired his countrymen to resist the
aggressions of Napoleon, and that his bound poems were found in the most
respectable libraries, he looked at me rather askance and I then and there
had my first intimation that to treat a Chicago man, who is called an
anarchist, as you would treat any other citizen, is to lay yourself open to
deep suspicion.
Another Sunday afternoon in the early spring, on the way to a
Bohemian mission in the carriage of one of its founders, we passed a fine old
house standing well back from the street, surrounded on three sides by a
broad piazza, which was supported by wooden pillars of exceptionally pure
Corinthian design and proportion. I was so attracted by the house that I set
forth to visit it the very next day, but though I searched for it then and
for several days after, I could not find it, and at length I most reluctantly
gave up the search.
Three weeks later, with the advice of several of the oldest
residents of Chicago, including the ex-mayor of the city, Colonel Mason, who
had from the first been a warm friend to our plans, we decided upon a
location somewhere near the junction of Blue Island Avenue, Halsted Street,
and Harrison [Page
93] Street. I was surprised and overjoyed on the very first day of
our search for quarters to come upon the hospitable old house, the quest for
which I had so recently abandoned. The house was of course rented, the lower part
of it used for offices and storerooms in connection with a factory that stood
back of it. However, after some difficulties were overcome, it proved to be
possible to sublet the second floor and what had been a large drawing-room on
the first floor.
The house had passed through many changes since it had been
built in 1856 for the homestead of one of Chicago's pioneer citizens, Mr.
Charles J. Hull, and although battered by its vicissitudes, was essentially
sound. Before it had been occupied by the factory, it had sheltered a
second-hand furniture store, and at one time the Little Sisters of the Poor
had used it for a home for the aged. It had a half-skeptical reputation for a
haunted attic, so far respected by the tenants living on the second floor
that they always kept a large pitcher full of water on the attic stairs.
Their explanation of this custom was so incoherent that I was sure it was a
survival of the belief that a ghost could not cross running water, but
perhaps that interpretation was only my eagerness for finding folklore.
The fine old house responded kindly to repairs, its wide hall
and open fireplace always insuring it a gracious aspect. Its generous owner,
Miss Helen Culver, in the following spring gave us a free [Page 94] leasehold of the entire house. Her kindness has
continued through the years until the group of thirteen buildings, which at
present comprises our equipment, is built largely upon land which Miss Culver
has put at the service of the Settlement which bears Mr. Hull's name. In
those days the house stood between an undertaking establishment and a saloon.
"Knight, Death and the Devil," the three were called by a Chicago
wit, and yet any mock heroics which might be implied by comparing the
Settlement to a knight quickly dropped away under the genuine kindness and
hearty welcome extended to us by the families living up and down the street.
We furnished the house as we would have furnished it were it in
another part of the city, with the photographs and other impedimenta we had
collected in Europe, and with a few bits of family mahogany. While all the
new furniture which was bought was enduring in quality, we were careful to
keep it in character with the fine old residence. Probably no young matron
ever placed her own things in her own house with more pleasure than that with
which we first furnished Hull-House. We believed that the Settlement may
logically bring to its aid all those adjuncts which the cultivated man
regards as good and suggestive of the best of the life of the past.
On the 18th of September, 1889, Miss Starr and I moved into it,
with Miss Mary Keyser, who be- [Page 95] gan
performing the housework, but who quickly developed into a very important
factor in the life of the vicinity as well as that of the household, and whose
death five years later was most sincerely mourned by hundreds of our
neighbors.
In our enthusiasm over
"settling," the first night we forgot not only to lock but to close
a side door opening [Page 96] on Polk Street, and we were much
pleased in the morning to find that we possessed a fine illustration of the
honesty and kindliness of our new neighbors.
Our first guest was an
interesting young woman who lived in a neighboring tenement, whose widowed
mother aided her in the support of the family by scrubbing a downtown theater
every night. The mother, of English birth, was well bred and carefully
educated, but was in the midst of that bitter struggle which awaits so many
strangers in American cities who find that their social position tends to be
measured solely by the standards of living they are able to maintain. Our
guest has long since married the struggling young lawyer to whom she was then
engaged, and he is now leading his profession in an eastern city. She recalls
that month's experience always with a sense of amusement over the fact that
the succession of visitors who came to see the new Settlement invariably
questioned her most minutely concerning "these people" without once
suspecting that they were talking to one who had been identified with the
neighborhood from childhood. I at least was able to draw a lesson from the
incident, and I never addressed a Chicago audience on the subject of the
Settlement and its vicinity without inviting a neighbor to go with me, that I
might curb any hasty generalization by the consciousness that I had an
auditor who knew the[Page
97] conditions more intimately than I could hope to do.
Halsted Street has grown so familiar during twenty years of
residence that it is difficult to recall its gradual changes,–the withdrawal
of the more prosperous Irish and Germans, and the slow substitution of
Russian Jews, Italians, and Greeks. A description of the street such as I
gave in those early addresses still stands in my mind as sympathetic and
correct.
Halsted Street is thirty-two
miles long, and one of the great thoroughfares of Chicago; Polk Street
crosses it midway between the stockyards to the south and the shipbuilding
yards on the north branch of the Chicago River. For the six miles between
these two industries the street is lined with shops of butchers and grocers,
with dingy and gorgeous saloons, and pretentious establishments for the sale
of ready-made clothing. Polk Street, running west from Halsted Street, grows
rapidly more prosperous; running a mile east to State Street, it grows
steadily worse, and crosses a network of vice [Page 98] on the corners of Clark Street and Fifth Avenue.
Hull-House once stood in the suburbs, but the city has steadily grown up
around it and its site now has corners on three or four foreign colonies.
Between Halsted Street and the river live about ten thousand
Italians–Neapolitans, Sicilians, and Calabrians,
with an occasional Lombard or Venetian. To the south on Twelfth Street are
many Germans, and side streets are given over almost
entirely to Polish and Russian Jews. Still farther south, these Jewish
colonies merge into a huge Bohemian colony, so vast that Chicago ranks as the
third Bohemian city in the world. To the northwest are many Canadian-French,
clannish in spite of their long residence in America, and to the north are
Irish and first-generation Americans. On the streets directly west and
farther north are well-to-do English speaking families, many of whom own
their own houses and have lived in the neighborhood for years; one man is
still living in his old farmhouse.
The policy of the public
authorities of never taking an initiative, and always waiting to be urged to
do their duty, is obviously fatal in a neighborhood where there is little
initiative among the citizens. The idea underlying our self- government
breaks down in such a ward. The streets are inexpressibly dirty, the number
of schools inadequate, sanitary legislation unenforced, the street lighting
bad, the paving miserable and altogether lacking in the alleys and smaller
streets, and the stables foul beyond description. Hundreds of houses are
unconnected with the street sewer. The older and richer inhabitants seem
anxious to move away as rapidly as they can afford it. They make room for
newly arrived immigrants who are densely ignorant of [Page 99] civic duties. This substitution of the older
inhabitants is accomplished industrially also, in the south and east quarters
of the ward. The Jews and Italians do the finishing for the great clothing
manufacturers, formerly done by Americans, Irish, and Germans, who refused to
submit to the extremely low prices to which the sweating system has reduced
their successors. As the design of the sweating system is the elimination of
rent from the manufacture of clothing, the "outside work" is begun
after the clothing leaves the cutter. An unscrupulous contractor regards no
basement as too dark, no stable loft too foul, no rear shanty too
provisional, no tenement room too small for his
workroom, as these conditions imply low rental. Hence these shops abound in
the worst of the foreign districts where the sweater easily finds his cheap
basement and his home finishers.
The houses of the ward, for the
most part wooden, were originally built for one family and are now occupied
by several. They are after the type of the inconvenient frame cottages found
in the poorer suburbs twenty years ago. Many of them were built where they
now stand; others were brought thither on rollers, because their previous
sites had been taken by factories. The fewer brick tenement buildings which
are three or four stories high are comparatively new, and there are few large
tenements. The little wooden houses have a temporary aspect, and for this
reason, perhaps, the tenement-house legislation in Chicago is totally
inadequate. Rear tenements flourish; many houses have no water supply save
the faucet in the back yard, there are no fire escapes, the garbage and ashes
are placed in wooden boxes which are fastened to the street pave- [Page 100] ments. One of the most
discouraging features about the present system of tenement houses is that
many are owned by sordid and ignorant immigrants. The theory that wealth
brings responsibility, that possession entails at length education and
refinement, in these cases fails utterly. The children of an Italian
immigrant owner may "shine" shoes in the street, and his wife may
pick rags from the street gutter, laboriously sorting them in a dingy court.
Wealth may do something for her self-complacency and feeling of consequence;
it certainly does nothing for her comfort or her children's improvement nor for the cleanliness of anyone concerned. Another thing
that prevents better houses in Chicago is the tentative attitude of the real
estate men. Many unsavory conditions are allowed to continue which would be
regarded with horror if they were considered permanent. Meanwhile, the
wretched conditions persist until at least two generations of children have
been born and reared in them.
In every neighborhood where
poorer people live, because rents are supposed to be cheaper there, is an
element which, although uncertain in the individual, in the aggregate can be
counted upon. It is composed of people of former education and opportunity who
have cherished ambitions and prospects, but who are caricatures of what they
meant to be–"hollow ghosts which blame the living men." There are
times in many lives when there is a cessation of energy and loss of power.
Men and women of education and refinement come to live in a cheaper
neighborhood because they lack the ability to make money, because of ill
health, because of an unfortunate marriage, or for other reasons which do not
imply criminality or stupidity. Among [Page 101] them are those
who, in spite of untoward circumstances, keep up some sort of an intellectual
life; those who are "great for books," as their neighbors say. To
such the Settlement may be a genuine refuge.
In the very first weeks of our residence Miss Starr started a
reading party in George Eliot's "Romola,"
which was attended by a group of young women who followed the wonderful tale
with unflagging interest. The weekly reading was held in our little upstairs
dining room, and two members of the club came to dinner each week, not only
that they might be received as guests, but that they might help us wash the
dishes afterwards and so make the table ready for the stacks of Florentine
photographs.
Our "first resident," as she gaily designated herself,
was a charming old lady who gave five consecutive readings from Hawthorne to
a most appreciative audience, interspersing the magic tales most delightfully
with recollections of the elusive and fascinating author. Years before she
had lived at Brook Farm as a pupil of the Ripleys,
and she came to us for ten days because she wished to live once more in an
atmosphere where "idealism ran high." We thus early found the type
of class which through all the years has remained most popular–a combination
of a social atmosphere with serious study.
Volunteers to the new undertaking came quickly; a charming young
girl conducted a kindergarten [Page 102] in the drawing
room, coming regularly every morning from her home in a distant part of the
North Side of the city. Although a tablet to her memory has stood upon a
mantel shelf in Hull-House for five years, we still associate her most
vividly with the play of little children, first in her kindergarten and then
in her own nursery, which furnished a veritable illustration of Victor Hugo's
definition of heaven–"a place where parents are always young and
children always little." Her daily presence for the first two years made
it quite impossible for us to become too solemn and self-conscious in our
strenuous routine, for her mirth and buoyancy were irresistible and her eager
desire to share the life of the neighborhood never failed, although it was
often put to a severe test. One day at luncheon she gaily recited her futile
attempt to impress temperance principles upon the mind of an Italian mother,
to whom she had returned a small daughter of five sent to the kindergarten
"in quite a horrid state of intoxication" from the wine-soaked
bread upon which she had breakfasted. The mother, with the gentle courtesy of
a South Italian, listened politely to her graphic portrayal of the untimely
end awaiting so immature a wine bibber; but long before the lecture was
finished, quite unconscious of the incongruity, she hospitably set forth her
best wines, and when her baffled guest refused one after the other, she
disappeared, only to quickly return with a small dark glass of whisky, saying [Page 103] reassuringly, "See, I have brought you the
true American drink." The recital ended in seriocomic despair, with the
rueful statement that "the impression I probably made on her darkened
mind was, that it was the American custom to breakfast children on bread
soaked in whisky instead of light Italian wine."
That first kindergarten was a constant source of education to
us. We were much surprised to find social distinctions even among its lambs,
although greatly amused with the neat formulation made by the superior little
Italian boy who refused to sit beside uncouth little Angelina because
"we eat our macaroni this way"–imitating the movement of a fork
from a plate to his mouth–"and she eat her macaroni this way,"
holding his hand high in the air and throwing back his head, that his
wide-open mouth might receive an imaginary cascade. Angelina gravely nodded
her little head in approval of this distinction between gentry and peasant.
"But isn't it astonishing that merely table manners are made such a test
all the way along?" was the comment of their democratic teacher. Another
memory which refuses to be associated with death, which came to her all too
soon, is that of the young girl who organized our first really successful
club of boys, holding their fascinated interest by the old chivalric tales,
set forth so dramatically and vividly that checkers and jackstraws were
abandoned by all the other clubs [Page 104] on Boys' Day,
that their members might form a listening fringe to "The Young Heros."
I met a member of the latter club one day as he flung himself
out of the House in the rage by which an emotional boy hopes to keep from
shedding tears. "There is no use coming here any more,
Prince Roland is dead," he gruffly explained as we passed. We encouraged
the younger boys in tournaments and dramatics of all sorts, and we somewhat
fatuously believed that boys who were early interested in adventurers or
explorers might later want to know the lives of living statesmen and
inventors. It is needless to add that the boys quickly responded to such a
program, and that the only difficulty lay in finding leaders who were able to
carry it out. This difficulty has been with us through all the years of
growth and development in the Boys' Club [Page 105] until now, with its five-story building,
its splendid equipment of shops, of recreation and study rooms, that group
alone is successful which commands the services of a resourceful and devoted
leader.
The dozens of younger children who from the first came to Hull-
House were organized into groups which were not quite classes and not quite
clubs. The value of these groups consisted almost entirely in arousing a
higher imagination and in giving the children the opportunity which they
could not have in the crowded schools, for initiative and for independent
social relationships. The public schools then contained little hand work of
any sort, so that naturally any instruction which we provided for the children
took the direction of this supplementary work. But it required a constant
effort that the pressure of poverty itself should not defeat the educational
aim. The Italian girls in the sewing classes would count the day lost when
they could not carry home a garment, and the insistence that it should be
neatly made seemed a super-refinement to those in dire need of clothing. [Page 106]
As these clubs have been continued during the twenty years they
have developed classes in the many forms of handicraft which the newer
education is so rapidly adapting for the delight of children; but they still
keep their essentially social character and still minister to that large
number of children who leave school the very week they are fourteen years
old, only too eager to close the schoolroom door forever on a tiresome task
that is at last well over. It seems to us important that these children shall
find themselves permanently attached to a House that offers them evening clubs and classes with their old companions,
that merges as easily as possible the school life into the working life and
does what it can to find places for the bewildered young things looking for
work. A large proportion of the delinquent boys brought into the juvenile
court in Chicago are the oldest sons in large families whose wages are needed
at home. The grades from which many of them leave school, as the records
show, are piteously far from the seventh and eighth where the very first
introduction in manual training is given, nor have
they been caught by any other abiding interest.
In spite of these flourishing clubs for children early
established at Hull-House, and the fact that our first organized undertaking
was a kindergarten, we were very insistent that the Settlement should not be
primarily for the children, and that it was absurd to suppose that grown
people [Page
107] would not respond to opportunities
for education and social life. Our enthusiastic kindergartner herself
demonstrated this with an old woman of ninety who, because she was left alone
all day while her daughter cooked in a restaurant, had formed such a
persistent habit of picking the plaster off the walls that one landlord after
another refused to have her for a tenant. It required but a few week's time to teach her to make
large paper chains, and gradually she was content to do it all day long, and
in the end took quite as much pleasure in adorning the walls as she had
formally taken in demolishing them. Fortunately the landlord had never heard
the aesthetic principle that exposure of basic construction is more desirable
than gaudy decoration. In course of time it was discovered that the old woman
could speak Gaelic, and when one or two grave professors came to see her, the
neighborhood was filled with pride that such a wonder lived in their midst.
To mitigate life for a woman of ninety was an unfailing refutation of the
statement that the Settlement was designed for the young.
On our first New Year's Day at Hull-House we invited the older
people in the vicinity, sending a carriage for the most feeble and announcing
to all of them that we were going to organize an Old Settlers' Party.
Every New Year's Day since, older people in varying numbers have
come together at Hull- [Page 108] House to relate
early hardships, and to take for the moment the place in the community to
which their pioneer life entitles them. Many people who were formerly
residents of the vicinity, but whom prosperity has carried into more
desirable neighborhoods, come back to these meetings and often confess to
each other that they have never since found such kindness as in early Chicago
when all its citizens came together in mutual enterprises. Many of these
pioneers, so like the men and women of my earliest childhood that I always
felt comforted by their presence in the house, were very much opposed to
"foreigners," whom they held responsible for a depreciation of
property and a general lowering of the tone of the neighborhood. Sometimes we
had a chance for championship; I recall one old man, fiercely American, who
had reproached me because we had so many "foreign views" on our
walls, to whom I endeavored to set forth our hope
that the pictures might afford a familiar island to the immigrants in a sea
of new and strange impressions. The old settler guest, taken off his guard,
replied, "I see; they feel as we did when we saw a Yankee notion from
Down East,"–thereby formulating the dim kinship between the pioneer and
the immigrant, both "buffeting the waves of a new development." The
older settlers as well as their children throughout the years have given
genuine help to our various enterprises for neighborhood improvement, and
from their own memories of earlier hardships have [Page 109]
made many shrewd suggestions for alleviating the difficulties of that first
sharp struggle with untoward conditions.
In those early days we were often asked why we had come to live
on Halsted Street when we could afford to live somewhere else. I remember one
man who used to shake his head and say it was "the strangest thing he
had met in his experience," but who was finally convinced that it was
"not strange but natural." In time it came to seem natural to all
of us that the Settlement should be there. If it is natural to feed the
hungry and care for the sick, it is certainly natural to give pleasure to the
young, comfort to the aged, and to minister to the deep-seated craving for
social intercourse that all men feel. Whoever does it is rewarded by
something which, if not gratitude, is at least spontaneous and vital and
lacks that irksome sense of obligation with which a substantial benefit is
too often acknowledged.
In addition to the neighbors who responded to the receptions and
classes, we found those who were too battered and oppressed to care for them.
To these, however, was left that susceptibility to the bare offices of
humanity which raises such offices into a bond of fellowship.
From the first it seemed understood that we were ready to
perform the humblest neighborhood services. We were asked to wash the
new-born babies, and to prepare the dead for burial, to nurse the sick, and
to "mind the children." [Page 110]
Occasionally these neighborly offices unexpectedly uncovered
ugly human traits. For six weeks after an operation we kept in one of our
three bedrooms a forlorn little baby who, because he was born with a cleft
palate, was most unwelcome even to his mother, and we were horrified when he
died of neglect a week after he was returned to his home; a little Italian
bride of fifteen sought shelter with us one November evening to escape her
husband who had beaten her every night for a week when he returned home from
work, because she had lost her wedding ring; two of us officiated quite alone
at the birth of an illegitimate child because the doctor was late in
arriving, and none of the honest Irish matrons would "touch the likes of
her"; we ministered at the deathbed of a young man, who during a long
illness of tuberculosis had received so many bottles of whisky through the
mistaken kindness of his friends, that the cumulative effect produced wild
periods of exultation, in one of which he died.
We were also early impressed with the curious isolation of many
of the immigrants; an Italian woman once expressed her pleasure in the red
roses that she saw at one of our receptions in surprise that they had been
"brought so fresh all the way from Italy." She would not believe
for an instant that they had been grown in America. She said that she had
lived in Chicago for six years and had never seen any roses, whereas in Italy
she had seen [Page
111] them every summer in great profusion. During all that time, of
course, the woman had lived within ten blocks of a florist's window; she had
not been more than a five-cent car ride away from the public parks; but she
had never dreamed of faring forth for herself, and no one had taken her. Her
conception of America had been the untidy street in which she lived and had
made her long struggle to adapt herself to American ways.
But in spite of some untoward experiences, we were constantly
impressed with the uniform kindness and courtesy we received. Perhaps these
first days laid the simple human foundations which are certainly essential
for continuous living among the poor; first, genuine preference for residence
in an industrial quarter to any other part of the city, because it is
interesting and makes the human appeal; and second, the conviction, in the
words of Canon Barnett, that the things that make men alike are finer and
better than the things that keep [Page 112] them apart, and that these basic
likenesses, if they are properly accentuated, easily transcend the less
essential differences of race, language, creed, and tradition.
Perhaps even in those first days we made a beginning toward that
object which was afterwards stated in our charter: "To provide a center
for higher civic and social life; to institute and maintain educational and
philanthropic enterprises, and to investigate and improve the conditions in
the industrial districts of Chicago."
[Page 113]
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