Unit 15: Era of World Wars / Fascism
Understanding the Third Reich
From Burleigh, Michael. The Third Reich: A New History. (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000), 1-3.
Michael Burleigh's recent history of Nazi Germany traces the "moral collapse" that occurred in Germany in the Third Reich, changes that led Germans to accept Hitler. His introduction, the beginning of which is excerpted here, is a devastating indictment of how Germans favored a political system based on hope and hatred.
 This book is about what happened when sections of the German elites and masses of ordinary people chose to abdicate their individual critical faculties in favour of a politics based on faith, hope, hatred and sentimental collective self-regard for their own race and nation. It is therefore a very twentieth-century story.

The book deals with the progressive, and almost total, moral collapse of an advanced industrial society at the heart of Europe, many of whose citizens abandoned the burden of thinking for themselves, in favour of what George Orwell described as the tom-tom beat of a latterday tribalism. They put their faith in evil men promising a great leap into a heroic future, with violent solutions to Germany’s local, and modern society’s general, problems. The consequences, for Germany, Europe and the wider world, were catastrophic, but no more so than for European Jews, who were subjected to a deliberate campaign to excise and expunge each and every one of them, which we rightly recognise as a uniquely terrible event in modern history.

In a local sense, Germany suffered its second massive and total defeat in the twentieth century. This was the price of mass stupidity and overweening ambition, paid with the lives of its citizens, whether directly compromised by dreadful crimes, or characterised by moral indifference or innocence. In a wider sense, other peoples were subjected to the compromises, indignities and terrors of occupation, forced and slave labour, or mass murder in the case of Europe’s Jews, while for over four years the human, cultural and productive resources of the Allied nations were skewed into repulsing and destroying a regime antipathetical to the civilised, free, humane and tolerant values that we cherish. A dystopian “quick fix” to Germany’s manifold problems ultimately resulted in the deaths of some fifty million people in a conflict whose legacy Europe has fully recovered from only after half a century, for the process of healing and reconciliation has been a long one. That the Second World War also briefly lent fresh, but spurious, moral and political legitimacy to a no less ruthless and sanguinary Soviet tyranny is one of the multiple ironies of this story. For what we in the West (and many Russians) regard as a straightforward contest of good and evil seems less categorical from the perspective of, say, the Balts, Chechens, Crimean Tatars, Croats, Poles, or Ukrainians, for whom 1944-5 did not bring deliverance from tyranny, but rather several decades of imperialist oppression from which at least one of these nations is still struggling to liberate itself after the turn of the millennium. In this sense, this book is about the wider international context of Nazi Germany (and its ideological confederates), something otherwise European-minded German scholars, and many of those who traipse in their footsteps, have neglected in their understandable preoccupation with their own local legacy. There is no respectable reason why the intellectual agendas of histories of this period should be exclusively fabricated in Germany, however much scholars there have contributed to knowledge and understanding of this dismal period of their contemporary history, which, in a profound sense, is not their “own” story. . . .

. . . The Third Reich . . . is an account of the longer-term, and more subtle, moral breakdown and transformation of an advanced industrial society, whose consequences astute observers, with an instinct for these things, could predict someways before they happened. But encouraged by irresponsible and self-interested sections of the elite, whom the philosopher of history Eric Voegelin once memorably described as “an evil rabble,” the mass propelled itself against charity, reason and scepticism, investing its faith in the otherwise farcical figure of Hitler, whose own miserable existence gained meaning as he discovered that his rage against the world was capable of indefinite generalisation. Ground down by defeat and endemic crisis, many Germans looked at his carefully selected range of poses, and saw their own desired self-image reflected. As Konrad Heiden, Hitler’s first and greatest biographer, wrote in 1944: “The people dream and a soothsayer tells them what they are dreaming.” I say “many Germans” because there were others, such as Heiden or Voegelin, whose instincts, humanity or intelligence prohibited such a suspension of disbelief, or whose core political or religious values checked their descent into moral neo-barbarism. These two men ended their days in exile, in respectively Maryland and Louisiana, but they symbolise countless others, who washed up in Brooklyn, Florida or, for that matter, Turkey. The demonstrable existence of such people makes the irresponsible stupidity of those who placed their faith in Hitler all the more remarkable, even if it surely militates against an indiscriminate condemnation of the German people in general.

Excerpt from THE THIRD REICH: A NEW HISTORY by Michael Burleigh. Copyright ©2000 by Michael Burleigh. Reprinted by permission of Hill and Wang, a division of Farrar, Straus and Giroux, LLC. All rights reserved.