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Understanding the Third
Reich |
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From Burleigh, Michael. The
Third Reich: A New History. (New York: Hill and
Wang, 2000), 1-3.
Michael
Burleigh's recent history of Nazi Germany traces the
"moral collapse" that occurred in Germany in the
Third Reich, changes that led Germans to accept
Hitler. His introduction, the beginning of which is
excerpted here, is a devastating indictment of how
Germans favored a political system based on hope and
hatred. |
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This book is about what
happened when sections of the German elites and masses of
ordinary people chose to abdicate their individual critical
faculties in favour of a politics based on faith, hope,
hatred and sentimental collective self-regard for their own
race and nation. It is therefore a very twentieth-century
story.
The book deals with the progressive, and almost total,
moral collapse of an advanced industrial society at the
heart of Europe, many of whose citizens abandoned the burden
of thinking for themselves, in favour of what George Orwell
described as the tom-tom beat of a latterday tribalism. They
put their faith in evil men promising a great leap into a
heroic future, with violent solutions to Germany’s local,
and modern society’s general, problems. The consequences,
for Germany, Europe and the wider world, were catastrophic,
but no more so than for European Jews, who were subjected to
a deliberate campaign to excise and expunge each and every
one of them, which we rightly recognise as a uniquely
terrible event in modern history.
In a local sense, Germany suffered its second massive and
total defeat in the twentieth century. This was the price of
mass stupidity and overweening ambition, paid with the lives
of its citizens, whether directly compromised by dreadful
crimes, or characterised by moral indifference or innocence.
In a wider sense, other peoples were subjected to the
compromises, indignities and terrors of occupation, forced
and slave labour, or mass murder in the case of Europe’s
Jews, while for over four years the human, cultural and
productive resources of the Allied nations were skewed into
repulsing and destroying a regime antipathetical to the
civilised, free, humane and tolerant values that we cherish.
A dystopian “quick fix” to Germany’s manifold problems
ultimately resulted in the deaths of some fifty million
people in a conflict whose legacy Europe has fully recovered
from only after half a century, for the process of healing
and reconciliation has been a long one. That the Second
World War also briefly lent fresh, but spurious, moral and
political legitimacy to a no less ruthless and sanguinary
Soviet tyranny is one of the multiple ironies of this story.
For what we in the West (and many Russians) regard as a
straightforward contest of good and evil seems less
categorical from the perspective of, say, the Balts,
Chechens, Crimean Tatars, Croats, Poles, or Ukrainians, for
whom 1944-5 did not bring deliverance from tyranny, but
rather several decades of imperialist oppression from which
at least one of these nations is still struggling to
liberate itself after the turn of the millennium. In this
sense, this book is about the wider international context of
Nazi Germany (and its ideological confederates), something
otherwise European-minded German scholars, and many of those
who traipse in their footsteps, have neglected in their
understandable preoccupation with their own local legacy.
There is no respectable reason why the intellectual agendas
of histories of this period should be exclusively fabricated
in Germany, however much scholars there have contributed to
knowledge and understanding of this dismal period of their
contemporary history, which, in a profound sense, is not
their “own” story. . . .
. . . The Third Reich . . . is an account of the
longer-term, and more subtle, moral breakdown and
transformation of an advanced industrial society, whose
consequences astute observers, with an instinct for these
things, could predict someways before they happened. But
encouraged by irresponsible and self-interested sections of
the elite, whom the philosopher of history Eric Voegelin
once memorably described as “an evil rabble,” the mass
propelled itself against charity, reason and scepticism,
investing its faith in the otherwise farcical figure of
Hitler, whose own miserable existence gained meaning as he
discovered that his rage against the world was capable of
indefinite generalisation. Ground down by defeat and endemic
crisis, many Germans looked at his carefully selected range
of poses, and saw their own desired self-image reflected. As
Konrad Heiden, Hitler’s first and greatest biographer, wrote
in 1944: “The people dream and a soothsayer tells them what
they are dreaming.” I say “many Germans” because there were
others, such as Heiden or Voegelin, whose instincts,
humanity or intelligence prohibited such a suspension of
disbelief, or whose core political or religious values
checked their descent into moral neo-barbarism. These two
men ended their days in exile, in respectively Maryland and
Louisiana, but they symbolise countless others, who washed
up in Brooklyn, Florida or, for that matter, Turkey. The
demonstrable existence of such people makes the
irresponsible stupidity of those who placed their faith in
Hitler all the more remarkable, even if it surely militates
against an indiscriminate condemnation of the German people
in general. |
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Excerpt from THE THIRD REICH: A NEW
HISTORY by Michael Burleigh. Copyright ©2000 by Michael
Burleigh. Reprinted by permission of Hill and Wang, a
division of Farrar, Straus and Giroux, LLC. All rights
reserved. |
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