On Forms of Government. A
Dialogue by Voltaire, 1769 Mr. B.
FOR my part, I own myself well enough pleased with a
democratical government. That philosopher was certainly
mistaken, who told an advocate for it, "that if he made
the experiment in his own family he would soon repent
it." With the philosopher's leave, there is a deal of
difference between a private family and a public
community. My house is my own, my children are my own;
my servants, so long as I pay them, are my own; but what
property, pray, have I in my fellow citizens? every
freeholder in the country has an equal right and
authority to keep the peace in it as myself. I love to
see men make their own laws, as they do their own
habitations; under which, they enjoy themselves in
security. It is a pleasure to me, to see my bricklayer,
my carpenter, my smith, (without whose assistance I
should not myself have had a house to live in) the
farmer my neighbour, and the manufacturer my friend,
enrich themselves by their several professions, and
better understand the interest of the nation than the
moil insolent bashaw in Turkey. In a true democracy, the
mechanic, and even the labourer, is secured from insult
and contempt. They are by no means in the situation of
the tradesman, who presented a petition to a certain
noble duke for the discharge of his grace's bill. How!
says his grace, and have you received nothing at all
upon this long account? O yes, and please your grace, I
received a flap on the face the other day from squire
Hard-fist your steward, for my impertinence in asking
for the money.
It is certainly very agreeable for a poor man to live
without the apprehension of being seized and thrown into
a dungeon, because he is unable to pay a man whom he
never saw, a tax he knows not for what, and of which
perhaps he never heard a syllable before in his life.
To be free, to have to do only with one's equals, is
the true state of of nature. Every other state is
artificial; it is a vile farce, in which one man plays
the tyrant, and another his slave, a second his pimp,
and a third his toad-eater. -You must admit that mankind
cannot degenerate from a state of nature, but through
cowardice and servility.
Mr. A. I do. It is pretty plain, I think,
that none can have forfeited their liberty, but
from their incapacity to defend it. There are two ways
in which men may lose their liberty; the one is when
knaves are too cunning for fools; and the other when the
strong are too powerful for the weak. I have heard of a
certain vanquished people, whose conquerors deprived
every man of one eye as a mark of his subjection. But
there are people in the world whose governors have put
out both their eyes, and drive them about like blind
horses in a mill. I must own I should like to keep my
eye-sight; and look upon a people subjugated to an
aristocratical form of government as having lost one
eye, and those under an absolute monarch as having lost
both,
Mr. C. You talk like a Dutchman. I own I
like nothing but an aristocracy. The common
people are unfit for government. 1 could never submit to
have my periwig-maker a legislator; I had rather wear my
own hair, or go bald as long as 1 live. It belongs only
to persons well educated to govern those who have no
education at all. The Venetian government is the best
model for a state; and is the most ancient aristocracy
in Europe. Next to that I prefer the German
constitution. Make me a Venetian nobleman, or a count of
the empire, and I shall be a happy fellow: but not
otherwise.
Mr. A. As a man of fortune and family you
are doubtless in the right of it; but on the fame
principle, you would prefer the despotism of Turkey, if
you were to be yourself Grand Signior. For my part,
though I am but a simple member of the British house of
commons, I look upon our constitution to be the best in
the world. As a proof of which I appeal to the
unexceptionable evidence of a celebrated French poet;
See met at Westminster, in union wife, Three states,
astonish'd at their mutual ties, King, lords, and
commons; blended by the laws Their separate interests in
the nation's cause : Three powers, that join'd may all
the world oppose; Yet dang'rous to themselves, as
dreadful to their foes.
Mr. C. Dangerous to themselves! There must
surely be great abuses in the English government!
Reprinted from The Annual Register for 1769. |