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					| What Is a Nation? |  
					|  |  
					| From Renan, Ernest. Qu'est 
					qu'une nation. trans. Ida Mae Snyder (Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1882), 26-29. |  
					| 
						
							| The 
							eminent nineteenth-century French scholar Ernest 
							Renan wrote one of the most famous explanations of 
							nationhood in 1882, amid a crisis of French national 
							identity brought on by defeat to Prussia in 1871. 
							Renan famously declared that the nation is a soul, a 
							spiritual principle, and that it is sustained by a 
							daily plebiscite. |  |  
					| A nation is a soul, a 
					spiritual principle. Only two things, actually, constitute 
					this soul, this spiritual principle. One is in the past, the 
					other is in the present. One is the possession in common of 
					a rich legacy of remembrances; the other is the actual 
					consent, the desire to live together, the will to continue 
					to value the heritage which all hold in common. Man, sirs, 
					does not improvise. The nation, even as the individual, is 
					the end product of a long period of work, sacrifice, and 
					devotion. The worship of ancestors is understandably 
					justifiable, since our ancestors have made us what we are. A 
					heroic past, of great men, of glory (I mean the genuine 
					kind), that is the social principle on which the national 
					idea rests. To have common glories in the past, a common 
					will in the present; to have accomplished great things 
					together, to wish to do so again, that is the essential 
					condition for being a nation. One loves in proportion to the 
					sacrifices which one has approved and for which one has 
					suffered. One loves the house which he has built and which 
					he has made over. The Spartan chant: "We are what you make 
					us; we are what you are" is simply the abbreviated hymn of 
					the Fatherland. In the past, a heritage of glory and a reluctance to 
					break apart, to realize the same program in the future; to 
					have suffered, worked, hoped together; that is worth more 
					than common taxes and frontiers conforming to ideas of 
					strategy; that is what one really understands despite 
					differences of race and language. I have said "having 
					suffered together"; indeed, common suffering is greater than 
					happiness. In fact, national sorrows are more significant 
					than triumphs because they impose obligations and demand a 
					common effort.  A nation is a grand solidarity constituted by the 
					sentiment of sacrifices which one has made and those that 
					one is disposed to make again. It supposes a past, it renews 
					itself especially in the present by a tangible deed: the 
					approval, the desire, clearly expressed, to continue the 
					communal life. The existence of a nation (pardon this 
					metaphor!) is an everyday plebiscite; it is, like the very 
					existence of the individual, a perpetual affirmation of 
					life. Oh! I know it, this is less metaphysical than the 
					concept of divine right, less brutal than the so-called 
					historic right. In the order of ideas that I submit to you, 
					a nation has no more right than a king of a province to say: 
					"You appear to me, I take you." A province for us is its 
					inhabitants; if anyone in this matter has a right to be 
					considered, it is the inhabitant. A nation never has a real 
					interest in being annexed or holding on to a country despite 
					itself. The desire of nations to be together is the only 
					real criterion that must always be taken into account.  We have traced the politics of metaphysical and 
					theological abstractions. What remains after that? Man 
					remains, his desires, his needs. . . . Human desires change; 
					but what does not change on this earth? Nations are not 
					something eternal. They have begun, they will end. They will 
					be replaced, in all probability, by a European 
					confederation. But such is not the law of the century in 
					which we live. At the present time the existence of nations 
					happens to be good, even necessary. Their existence is a 
					guarantee of liberty, which would be lost if the world had 
					only one law and only one master.  Through their varied, frequently opposing, abilities, 
					nations serve the common cause of civilization; each holds 
					one note in the concert of humanity, which, in the long run, 
					is the highest ideal to which we can aspire. Isolated, they 
					have their weaknesses. I often say to myself that a person 
					who has these defects in quality that nations have, who 
					nourishes himself on vainglory, who is jealous, egotistic 
					and quarrelsome, who could support nothing without fighting; 
					he would be the most intolerable of men. But all these 
					unharmonious details disappear when we are united. Poor 
					humanity! How you have suffered! What ordeals await you yet! 
					Can the spirit of wisdom guide you to prevent the many 
					dangers that line your path?  I continue, sirs. Man is not enslaved, nor is his race 
					nor his language, nor his religion, nor the course of the 
					rivers, nor the direction of the mountain ranges. A great 
					aggregation of men, with a healthy spirit and warmth of 
					heart, creates a moral conscience which is called a nation. 
					When this moral conscience proves its strength by sacrifices 
					that demand abdication of the individual for the benefit of 
					the community, it is legitimate, and it has a right to exist |  |