LEAR. Why, thou wert better in thy grave than to answer with thy
uncovered body this extremity of the skies. Is man no more than this?
Consider him well. Thou owest the worm no silk, the
beast no hide, the sheep no wool, the cat no perfume. Hah! here's
three on's are sophisticated; thou art the thing
itself. Unaccommodated man is no more but such a
poor, bare, forked animal as thou art.
KING LEAR
1
THE VISION OF TRAGEDY
WHEN at the end of the Symposium Socrates insisted to his friends
Aristophanes and Agathon that "the genius of
comedy is the same as the genius of tragedy, and that the writer of tragedy
ought to be a writer of comedy also," the friends, says Plato, were
"compelled to assent, being sleepy, and not quite understanding his
meaning." It had been a long night, with much wine, and the friends
might well have agreed to almost anything. But whether they would have agreed
under different circumstances, and just what Socrates' arguments were, are
other questions. One would like to know precisely what he said. Or perhaps
the affair was a bit of a paradox spun out for his own
amusement. For it seems clear-- at least it is the thesis of this book-- that
the genius of tragedy is not the same as the genius of comedy. As for
Socrates' notion that every writer ought to be able to do both, there can be
no objection. Some few have done both. What he had in mind, perhaps, was the
undeniable truth that the highest comedy gains its power from its sense of
tragic possibility, and the profoundest tragedy presents a full if fleeting vision,
through the temporary disorder, of an ordered universe to which comedy is
witness. Without a sense of the tragic, comedy loses heart; it becomes brittle,
it has animation but no life. Without a recognition of the truths of comedy,
tragedy becomes bleak and intolerable.1
But since the Greeks first wrote what they called tragedies and
comedies, and Aristotle in the Poetics
formulated some principles about them, writers have been conscious of the two
modes-- each with its own demands-- as engaging them in divergent
undertakings, involving them in different worlds. They have gauged their
predilections and capacities against the demands of each and have deliberately
chosen one or the other, or some calculated mixture. They have often been
explicit about it. Shakespeare announced his plays as "tragedies"
or "comedies," or, when he chose, mixed the modes with the
recklessness of Polonius. Marlowe spoke his intention when in the prologue to
Tamburlaine he asked his audience
to view his hero in “the tragic glass." Ben Jonson ventured into tragedy
in his own scholarly, methodical way, boasting to have discharged (in Sejanus) all the crucial "offices
of a Tragic writer," which he got from Aristotle. Milton's choice of the
tragic form to express his final mood was deliberate and especially
significant in relation to the tragic undertones of Paradise Lost. Artists are free-- but free to choose their own sort
of bondage. It is they and not so much the critics who have worked to
maintain the integrity of the forms. Their conscious, explicit choices show
that in their eyes the forms are real and different and not merely an
academic conspiracy.2 The phenomenon is a powerful example of the fruitful
interaction of tradition and individual talent.
Tragedy, traditionally the most exalted of the forms, has exerted on
artists of many generations, not only Greek and Elizabethan, a compelling
influence. Its effect on the individual talent has sometimes been noble and
often disastrous. It requires an independent, radical vision whose lack is as
fatal as the lack of a sense of ultimate harmony is in comedy. Sophocles and
Euripides, though building on Aeschylus' original insights and to this extent
acting in imitation of him, used the form he had established to express their
own individual and radical visions. The Elizabethans, whose nervous and
independent force worked creatively on whatever form they chose, expanded and
improvised to suit their own expressive needs. Since then, as writers not so
vitally equipped have attempted to write tragedy, the sense of strain and
artificiality is frequent.
2
The French at their best (Racine, for instance) embodied the true
tragic vision in a finely disciplined form; but their next best shows how
precarious is the balance between creation and imitation. Milton's vision in
the masterful Samson Agonistes has been called only "spasmodically
tragic." 3 In lesser artists, who approached tragedy too analytically or
(it would seem) for its prestige, the strain is painfully obvious. The
English theater after the Restoration produced plays called tragedies which
are informed, rather, by the moral or "heroic" vision. The Romantic
poets, great admirers though they were of the Greeks and the Elizabethans,
showed how far their world actually was from the world of Oedipus and Lear (which Shelley described as "the deepest and sublimest of the tragic compositions") when they
ventured into tragedy. Shelley's preface to The Cenci is an earnest little treatise on tragedy; but he tried
the form only once.4 As his wife wrote, "the bent of
his mind went the other way." So did Byron's and Tennyson's, although
they both wrote what they called tragedies. Goethe was perhaps wisest when he
said "the mere attempt to write tragedy might be my undoing." 5
In the nineteenth century certain of the novelists had the surest
sense of the thing itself. Genuine and vital strains of Greek and Hebraic
tragic traditions, intensified by the tragic insights of Christianity, appear
impressively, for instance, in Hawthorne, Melville, and Dostoevski.
Hawthorne, whose sense of kinship with Greek and Elizabethan tragedy he more
than once indicated, invested Hester Prynne with some of the hard outlines of
Antigone's character and with much of the passion and color of an
Elizabethan. Melville shaped Ahab as, "a mighty pageant figure, fit for
noble tragedies" and had him chase his "Job's whale" to the
far quarters of the globe. Both novels show clearly that their authors were
sensitive to the problem of making the tragic vision real to nineteenth century
democratic America.6 Dostoevski
opened up a vast new tragic area by his own peculiar synthesis of the basic
insights of all the traditions. Ibsen and O'Neill, Conrad, Kafka, and
Faulkner (to name only a few) have each in their own way explored the area
which he plotted out. Whether they have written "tragedies" is not
at present the point, but they seem closer to the tragic spirit than the
Romantic and Victorian imitators.
3
But how can it be said that a novel by Kafka or Faulkner is more
truly tragic than The Cenci? What
is the "true" tragic spirit, the thing itself? Is it right to say
that writers choose the form, or does the form in some subtle way choose
them? Shelley chose the form-- his wife tells how the idea of writing a
tragedy had haunted him long before he encountered the story of The Cenci-- but, quite clearly, he
himself was not chosen. Shakespeare's tragedies are grouped in a period of
his life when, as far as we can tell biographically, the "bent of his
mind" seems to have been that way. Goethe never felt chosen. He realized
that the tragic sense of the world and of man's destiny was not his, and he
stayed away. There was nothing that he could not have mastered technically;
indeed, Shelley showed how far a near-perfect executive form could be from
the thing itself. But tragedy demands qualities of vision which neither of
them had.
In general, the tragic vision is not a systematic view of life. It
admits wide variations and degree. It is a sum of insights, intuitions,
feelings, to which the words "vision" or "view" or
"sense of life," however inadequate, are most readily applicable.
The tragic sense of life, as Unamuno describes it, 7 is a subphilosophy,
or a prephilosophy, "more or less formulated,
more or less conscious." It reaches deep down into the temperament,
"not so much flowing from ideas as determining them." It is an
attitude toward life with which some individuals seem to be endowed to high
degree, others less, but which is latent in every man and may be evoked by
experience. Unamuno finds it characteristic of some nations and not others.
Horace Walpole's epigram, "this world is a comedy to those who think, a
tragedy to those who feel," has only relative truth, but it is significant
in showing how readily the terms become metaphors to describe a view of life,
a cast of thought or temperament. 8
The tragic vision is in its first phase primal, or primitive, in that
it calls up out of the depths the first (and last) of all questions, the
question of existence: What does it mean to be? It recalls the original
4
terror, harking back to a world that antedates the conceptions of
philosophy, the consolations of the later religions, and whatever
constructions the human mind has devised to persuade itself that its universe
is secure. It recalls the original un-reason, the terror of the irrational.
It sees man as questioner, naked, un-accommodated, alone, facing mysterious,
demonic forces in his own nature and outside, and the irreducible facts of
suffering and death. Thus it is not for those who cannot live with unsolved
questions or unresolved doubts, whose bent of mind
would reduce the fact of evil into something else or resolve it into some larger
whole. Though no one is exempt from moments of tragic doubt or insight, the
vision of life peculiar to the mystic, the pious, the propagandist, the
confirmed optimist or pessimist-- or the confirmed anything-- is not tragic.
Nor is the tragic vision for those who, though admitting unsolved
questions and the reality of guilt, anxiety, and suffering, would become
quietist and do nothing. Mere sensitivity is not enough. The tragic vision
impels the man of action to fight against his destiny, kick against the
pricks, and state his case before God or his fellows. 9 It impels the artist, in his
fictions, toward what Jaspers calls "boundary-situations," 10 man at the limits of his sovereignty-- Job
on the ash-heap, Prometheus on the crag, Oedipus in his moment of self-discovery,
Lear on the heath, Ahab on his lonely quarter-deck. Here, with all the
protective covering stripped off, the hero faces as if no man had ever faced
it before the existential question-Job's question, "What is man?"
or Lear's "Is man no more than this?" The writing of a tragedy is
the artist's way of taking action, of defying destiny, and this is why in the
great tragedies there is a sense of the artist's own involvement, an immediacy not so true of the forms, like satire and
comedy, where the artist's position seems more detached. 11
The findings of the anthropologists about the origins of tragedy are
not irrelevant here. Even though they cannot be verified historically, they
seem psychologically true. The religious ritual out of which it is thought
tragedy grew-- the dance of mourning in the fall festival at the death of the
old year or (as some think) the ritual sacrifice of propitiation was in
itself an action, a response to a condition, a kind
5
of answer to the question of existence. It
was an answer in terms of gesture and action rather than language, and
represents, perhaps, man's first attempt to deal creatively with pain and
fear. 12 Any
action at all was better than nothing. It was not until later, when man graduated from the condition of pain and fear to the
condition of suffering-- which is the condition of pain and fear
contemplated and spiritualized-- that the response was verbalized in some
kind of art form, a dirge or lament. Even in the most sophisticated of forms,
literary tragedy, the element of gesture and action is strong, but it is the
contemplated and individual response to suffering rather than the instinctive
and tribal. Unamuno' s fine ancedote
about Solon shows elements of both-- the primitive response by gesture
(weeping) and the comment from the depths of an anguished spirit. 'Why do you
weep for the death of your son," the skeptic asked Solon, "when it
avails nothing?" "I weep," replied Solon, "precisely
because it avails nothing." 13
It is this sense of ancient evil, of "the blight man was born
for," of the permanence and the mystery of human suffering,
that is basic to the tragic sense of life. It informs all literature
of a somber cast: the dirge, the lament, the melancholy lyric or song, the
folk ballad of betrayal and death. It colors many scenes in the great epics
and hovers about the best comedy as an imminent possibility. The tragedies of
the tradition, from Aeschylus to Dostoevski, say
this about it: that by most men it must be learned-- and learned through
direct, immediate experience: that is, through suffering. So universal is
this testimony that it can be taken as one of the constants of tragedy, and
the starting point. All men must learn to feel what wretches feel. In the
lives of many writers of tragedy there is abundant evidence of deep
autobiographic meaning in this recurrent theme, a fact of relevance to the
sense of innerness and involvement that tragedy possesses above other forms.
Pressing out from this initial phase of the tragic vision, the
artist's action or response takes him beyond the lament or the melancholy
lyric toward an increasingly complicated dialectic as he contemplates the
thrust and counterthrust of man against destiny. Here his cause is one with
the philosophers and
6
theologians, the difference being that the
artist's dialectic is not of ideas in the abstract but of ideas in action,
ideas as lived. His dialectic is not so much with words as with lives, and
his focus is not so much man thinking as man acting, man "on the
way." Where the philosophers and moralists would generalize on
experience, find unity in multiplicity, and reduce experience to viable
categories and prescriptions, the tragic artist explores each experience
directly, de novo, for whatever it
may reveal about man's capacities and possibilities. He presses the
"boundary-situation" for its total yield. Whatever he finds man
capable of, in action and under extremest pressure,
is to him the truth, whether it be abject and
miserable or sublime and redeeming. This truth constitutes the
"discovery" of tragedy.
Historically, literary tragedy has always appeared at the mature
period of a culture, not at its beginning. Although it retains the primitive
sense of terror at what Joyce called "the secret cause" 14 of
suffering, it is in another sense highly sophisticated. It puts to the test
of action all the formulations of philosophy and religion. In the three major
western cultures-- Hebrew, Greek, and Christian-- there have come times (our
present era may be one of them) when for reasons internal and external,
spiritual and sociological, the questions of ultimate justice and human
destiny seem suddenly to have been jarred loose again. Often these critical
periods, or "moments," come after a long period of relative
stability, when a dominant myth or religious orthodoxy or philosophic view
has provided a coherent and sustaining way of life. Suddenly the original
terror looms close and the old formulations cannot dispel it. The conflict
between man and his destiny assumes once more the ultimate magnitude. It appears
to be not a matter of accident, a temporary and limited disturbance, but an
essential change in the face of the universe. The whole of society is
involved, and the stake is survival. Thus the sense of despair in the early
chapters of Job's complaint, the sense of doom in Greek tragedy, Gloucester's
fears in the first act of Lear, and
the sense of disintegration in The
Brothers Karamazov.
In such periods, and in such moods, artists confront the existential
question all over again. They ask,
7
like the elderly trader in Conrad's Lord Jim, "How to be?" and
embody their answers, ambiguous and tentative, in their
"boundary-situations." Each age has different tensions and terrors,
but they open on the same abyss. If each new artist's primary source must be
the data of his own experience and observation, he just as surely learns from
his fellow artists who have stared into the same depths. What they came up
with, the statement of their fictions, constitutes
the tradition-- a total evaluation expressed in a literary form. As the
tradition guides the new vision, the vision tests it, alters its focus and
direction or expands its compass. Direction and focus may change, but the
vision is constant. How vision forged a form, some major modes the form has
taken, and some meanings it has revealed, are the concerns of the following
chapters.
8
2
THE BOOK OF JOB
WE LOOK at a work of literature and call it "optimistic" or
"pessimistic" or "epic" or "tragic." The book
is there before us, and we find the term to describe it. But the work comes
first. It is not right to say that without the vision of life embodied in the
Old Testament, and notably in The Book
of Job, the term "tragedy" would have no substance, for the
Greeks invented the term and gave it a great deal of substance. But knowing
what we do now about the full depth and reach of tragedy, we can see with
striking clarity in the writings of the ancient Hebrews the vision which we
now call tragic and in The Book of Job the basic elements of the tragic
form. The cultural situation, the matrix out of which Job came, is the very
definition of "the tragic moment" in history, a period when
traditional values begin to lose their power to comfort and sustain, and man
finds himself once more groping in the dark. The unknown Poet's
"action," his redoing of the orthodox and optimistic folktale of
the pious and rewarded Job, is (as we can say now) a classic example of the
dynamics of tragedy, of vision creating form. And the great figure of his
creation, the suffering, questioning, and unanswered Job, is the towering
tragic figure of antiquity. More than Prometheus or Oedipus, Job is the
universal symbol for the western imagination of the mystery of undeserved
suffering.
9
Of all ancient peoples, the Hebrews were most surely possessed of the
tragic sense of life. It pervades their ancient writings to an extent not
true of the Greeks. "Judaism," writes Paul Weiss, "is Moses in
the wilderness straining to reach a land he
knows he never can. For the Christian this truth is but the necessary first
act of a Divine Comedy. The history of the universe for the Christian is in
principle already told. For the Jew history is in the making. It has peaks
and valleys, goods and bads, inseparably together
and forever. " 15 The Hebraic answer to the
question of existence was never unambiguous or utopian; the double vision of
tragedy-- the snake in the garden, the paradox of man born in the image of
God and yet recalcitrant, tending to go wrong-- permeates the Scriptures. No
case is ever clear-cut, no hero or prophet entirely faultless. The Hebrews
were the least sentimental and romantic of peoples. The Old Testament stories
are heavy with irony, often of the most sardonic kind. And yet their hard,
acrid realism appears against a background of belief that is the substance of
the most exalted and affirmative religion, compared to which the religions of
their sister civilizations, Egyptian, Babylonian, and even Greek, presented a
conception of the universe and man both terrible and mean.16 The Hebraic view
of God, man, and nature, wrought through the centuries out of hard experience
and exalted vision, presented to the Poet of Job a rich and full-nerved
tradition, containing all the alternatives, for evil as well as good, but
founded on the belief in a just and benevolent Creator, in man as made in His
image, and in an ordered universe.
Throughout their history as it is unfolded in the Old Testament, the
Hebrews showed a strong critical sense, a tendency to test all their beliefs,
even Jehovah Himself, against their individual experience and sense of
values. This skepticism is at the root of much of their irony, and it
implies, of course, a very high estimate of individual man. They had a sufficient
confidence in their own native and immediate insights to set themselves, if
need be, against their God. This was an affirmation about man, the Deity, and
the relationship between the two, which the Babylonians and Egyptians surely
never achieved, nor, as a people, did the Greeks. The Hebrews saw man not
only as free and rational but free, rational, and righteous even before God.
The eating of the apple was in a sense an act of the free critical
intelligence. I7 Why should there have been even one prohibition, arbitrary
and unexplained?
10
The failure in actual experience of the orthodox teaching that God
would reward the righteous and punish the wicked gave rise in later times to
a whole literature of dissent, ranging from the disturbed and melancholy
psalms, the ambiguous attitude toward the Deity in
stories like Jonah, to the complaints of Ecclesiastes and the full-scale
protests of Job. It is hard to see why Simone Weil said of the Hebrews that
they "believed themselves exempt from the misery that is the common
human lot" and that only in parts of Job is "misfortune fairly
portrayed." 18 Their belief in Jehovah and their hope for a Messiah
served rather to intensify their sense of present inequity and to increase
the anxiety which permeates this protest literature.
But another aspect of the Hebraic tragic vision gives it its peculiar
depth and poignancy, and it is the very clue to Job. It comes from the
conception of Jehovah as a person, to be communed with, worshiped, feared,
but above all to be loved. In the transactions of the Greeks with their gods,
no great amount of love was lost. There was no doctrine of Creation, nor a Creator to be praised (as in psalm after psalm) for
his loving-kindness and tender mercies. The Greek gods were fallible,
imperfect, finite, and, above all, laws unto themselves; to rebel against
them might be disastrous but it involved no inevitable spiritual dilemma or
clash of loyalties. But Jehovah, in the eyes of the orthodox Hebrew, was
righteous, just, and loving-- and a being to whom one could appeal in the
name of all these virtues. The protest embodied in The Book of Job came not from fear or hate but from love. Job's
disillusionment was deeply personal, as from a cosmic breach of faith.
However critical of the Deity, Job spoke not in arrogance and revolt but in
love, and in this at least he was the true representative of an ancient
piety.
The unknown Poet of Job, however, saw the old story of Job not as
illustrating the ancient piety-- that is, a good man blessing the Lord even
in his afflictions and being rewarded for his constancy-- but as throwing it
into grievous question. All the latent doubts and questionings of his race
came to a head. Job had trusted in The Covenant and followed The Code; God
had watched over him; God's lamp had
11
lighted his way through the darkness. His
friendship had been upon his tent. Job was the beloved patriarch of a large
family and a man of consequence in the community. And then, suddenly and
unaccountably, the face of the universe changed. It was not only that he
suffered misfortunes, lost his property, family, position, and health. Mortal
man must face losses; the proverbial wisdom of the Hebrews had taught for
generations that man was born for trouble, as the sparks fly upward. The shock
of the story for the Poet did not lie there, if we may judge by how he retold
it. The succession of catastrophes that befell Job, as the folk story
recounts them, was systematic, the result of a wager between God and Satan to
test Job. Job, who could know nothing of the wager, suffered at the hands of
a God whom to worship and to love had been his daily
blessing and who had turned suddenly hateful and malign. There was no mortal
cause for his sufferings, nothing in his past to account for these repeated,
calculated blows. If he had sinned, he had not sinned that much.
From the depth of an ancient skepticism and a sense of justice which
dared to hold Deity itself to account, the Poet saw the story, as we would
say, in the light of the tragic vision. The primitive terror loomed close.
The resolution of the folk story, by which Job for his piety and suffering
was rewarded by twice his former possessions and a new family, was
unacceptable. The Poet saw Job's suffering as a thrust of destiny that raised
the deepest issues, not to be accounted for by a heavenly wager and bought
off by a handsome recompense. The suffering had been real; it could not be
taken back; and it had not been deserved.
What to do about it? One can imagine in earlier times the primitive
response of propitiation or lament, the wailing at the wall, the sharing of
communal grief over inexplicable suffering. In later times, psalmists caught
the mood in the most beautiful of melancholy and anguished lyrics; rabbis
taught men to regard such suffering as punishment for secret sin or as God's
way of testing man's loyalty. So Eliphaz (5:17)
interpreted Job's suffering: "Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth: therefore despise not thou the chastening of
the Almighty." 19 Again, none of the ancient Hebrew writers
12
responded to the fact of undeserved suffering
more sensitively than Ecclesiastes or was truer to the realities of human
misery: 4 "The truest of all men was the Man of Sorrows," wrote
Melville, "and the truest of all books is Solomon's, and Ecclesiastes is
the fine hammered steel of woe." 20 But it was not for Ecclesiastes to
discover the full possibilities of the "boundary situation," to
hammer from the hard steel of woe the full dimensions of the tragic form. He
observed, and contemplated, and recorded movingly what he saw. But he
stopped, halfway, with pathos-- the single-voiced lament, the lyric
expression of a reserved and passive acceptance. 5
The Poet of Job chose still another way, and with him tragic vision
is fulfilled in tragic form. His response was dynamic and positive. He saw in
Job's story the possibilities of a significant action, not only the
lamentable blows that fell upon Job but the counterthrust that makes drama.
He imagined Job as striking back in the only possible way when the adversary
is Destiny-- that is, with words. The Poet did not deal in plotted physical
action, as in a Greek play; rather, he conceived of ideas, or inner
realities, functioning like actions and as fully freighted with consequences.
Although Job and his Counselors do not budge from the ash-heap (which 2:8
suggests as the setting of the drama) and do not exchange blows or even
threats of blows, they are actually at death-grips. Each side sees survival
at stake. The parts of the drama-- character, incident, minor
actions-- are not clearly articulated as in plays to be performed, but the
vital tension and forward movement of formal drama are clear. This method of
the Poet's-- sustained tension throughout the thrust-and-parry of ideas, the
balancing of points of view in the challenge and response of argument-- is
the inner logic, or dialectic, of the tragic form as it appears in fully
developed drama.
It is a way, of course, of making an important-and "tragic"
statement about the nature of truth. In tragedy, truth is not revealed as one
harmonious whole; it is many faceted, ambiguous, a sum of irreconcilables-- and
that is one source of its terror. As the Poet contemplated Job's case, he saw
that the single-voiced response-- the lament or the diatribe-- was inadequate.
The case was not clear; at
13
its center was a bitter dilemma, every
aspect of which, in the full and fair portrayal of human suffering like
Job's, must be given a voice. The Counselors were partly right, and Job was
partly wrong. Job was at once justified in complaining against his God, and
deeply guilty. There was no discharge in that war. The dramatic form above
all others conveys this sense of the jarring conflict of ideas-in-action,
gives each it’s due, and shows how each qualifies and interacts on every
other. It conveys directly what Jung called "the terrible ambiguity of
an immediate experience." 21 Comedy presents ambiguities but removes
their terror; in tragedy the terror remains.
This method, like the tragic vision which was a part of the Poet's
racial inheritance, was not new in the literature of the Hebrews. Job is
merely the fullest development of a racial way of expression observable in
the earliest writings. For example, after the single-voiced and full-throated
praise of the Creator and the Creation in the first chapter of Genesis, the story of Adam and Eve and
the Fall moves into a different mode. Many voices are heard, including the
Serpent's. This is one way of saying that even this case was not entirely
clear. Kierkegaard, who had a lively sense of the tragic aspect of the Old
Testament, shows how Adam and Eve, though guilty, were in part justified. The
Almighty had "goaded" them. The story of Abraham and Isaac, which
moves forward in a kind of tragic dialectic, has frightening undertones, as
Kierkegaard's famous discussion in Fear
and Trembling shows. Moses, Jonah, and many of the Old Testament heroes
and prophets argued with Jehovah, questioned his judgment, criticized his
harshness or (as with Jonah) his leniency, in actual dialogue. In such ways
the Hebrews surrounded even their most sacred religious figures and truths
with an aura of ambiguity and qualification. Ideas, or truth, were not
regarded apart, as abstractions or final causes. They were ideas-in-action,
lived out and tested by men of flesh and blood. Thus like men they were in a
constant process of becoming. Even Jehovah, as we see him in the Old
Testament, evolved.
So the Poet of Job, true to his tradition, set his protagonist Job-- or
the "Job-idea"-- free to run the dialectical gamut, to test it not
only against Jehovah but against all the standard human
14
formulations that had traditionally resolved
such situations. He gave Job human adversaries as well as divine, to try him
at every point. Thus the movement of statement-and-reply between Job and the
Counselors, now swift, now slow, gives the sense not of the static opposition
of ideas in a debate but of men in action, temperamental and passionate. Job
is in turn bitter and despairing, angry and defiant, pensive and exalted. The
Counselors, in their turn, console, plead, argue, scold, and threaten.
Nothing is left untouched in the furious spirals of the debate. The method
allows for the fullest "existential" exploration of the concerns-- the
nature of man and the universe-- without which, after the achievement of Job
and the Greeks, tragedy is purely nominal. Again, what tragedy seems to be
saying-- what Job and the Greeks made it say-- is that we come closest to the
nature of man and universe in the test-situation, where the strength or
weakness of the individual, to endure or let go, is laid bare. Only then does
the final "yea" or "nay" have meaning. When Job in his
extremity puts ironically the question of the pious psalmist, "What is
man, that thou are mindful of him?" the Poet gives no pat answer. The
answer is the total Book of Job,
all that Job says and becomes, all that the Counselors say and do not become,
all that the Voice from the Whirlwind says about man and his place in the
universe. The answer is the full drama, not in anyone
of its parts-- least of all in the pious and comforting resolution of the
folk story in the last chapter.
No analysis can convey more than the bare structure of the Poet's
meaning. But the heart of his meaning, and surely the chief source of the
tragic meaning for subsequent artists, is contained in the so-called Poem of
Job, all that occurs between Job's opening curse (ch.
3) and 42:6, the last verse before the folk-story conclusion. This is the agon, the
passion scene, where the discoveries are made of most relevance to average,
suffering, questioning humanity.
Job in the opening curse is in the torment of despair. The shock of
his calamities has more than unbalanced him; it has prostrated him. For
"seven days and seven nights" he has sat among the ashes, for
"his grief was very great." His world has collapsed,
his inherited values have been discredited. He
15
faces at least four possible choices. He may
follow the advice of his wife to "Curse God, and die." He may come
to terms with his fate and accept it as deserved-- the advice which his
Counselors later give him. He may accept his fate, whether deserved or not,
and contemplate it, like Ecclesiastes, with melancholy equanimity. Or he may
strike back in some way, give vent to his feelings and carry his case
wherever it may lead. The Poet does not present Job in his tragic moment as weighing
these alternatives openly, although in "seven days and seven
nights" he has had time to consider them all. But we get no sense of a
closely reasoned choice. All we know is that he did not commit suicide
(although the thought of it recurs to him later), that he "opened his
mouth" and talked, and that he took this action through some mysterious
dynamic within himself. There was no goddess whispering encouragement at his
shoulder or divine vision leading him on. He was "unaccommodated
man," moved in his first moment of bitterness to give up the struggle,
but for some reason making a "gesture" first. It is this action,
and the action which follows from it, which establishes Job as hero. It had
what Aristotle called "magnitude": it involved Job totally, and he
was a man of high estate on whom many people depended; it involved Job's
world totally, since it questioned the basis of its belief and modes of life;
it transcended Job's world, horizontally as well as vertically, as the
perennial relevance of Job’s problem, from his time to ours, shows. And it
involved Job in total risk: "Behold he will slay me; I have no
hope." 22
Although there is little in literature as black as the opening verses
of Job's curse, in the speech as a whole there is a saving ambiguity which
predicts the main movement of the Poem. This movement, in brief, is from the
obsessive egotism (like Lear's or Ahab's) that sees particular misfortune as
a sign of universal ruin (and even wills it, for revenge or escape or
oblivion) toward a mood more rational, outgoing, and compassionate. Job's
first words are of furious, not passive, despair. He has been wounded in his
pride, humiliated as well as stricken. He curses life and the parents who
gave him life. He would have his birthday blotted from the calendar; he would
have all men go into mourning on that
16
day and the light of heaven be darkened. He
rages in the worst kind of arrogant, romantic rebellion. Yet gradually there
is a change, however slight. The furious commands of the opening verses
change to questions: "Why died I not from the womb? Why did I not give
up the ghost when I came out of the belly?" The plaintive tone leads to
one more contemplative, as he thinks not of universal darkness but of rest
with all those who have gone before, "the kings and the counsellors of the earth . . . princes that had gold, who
filled their houses with silver." He has a word for the weary and
oppressed, the small as well as the great. The first-person pronoun changes
to the third: "Wherefore is light given to him that is in misery, and
life unto the bitter in soul ... ? Why is light
given to a man whose way is hid, and whom God hath hedged in?" Although
he returns in the last three verses to a mood of anguish and dread, it is
more like the response to a spasm of pain-- "For the thing which I
greatly feared is come upon me, and that which I was afraid of is come unto
me"-- than the nihilism of the opening verses.
Thus Job does not abandon life, and as he rallies and reorganizes he
opens up new and redeeming reaches of life. In the reverse of the way they
expect, the Counselors assist in the process. Their arguments sting and
thrust, kindle new energies in him, and compel him to ever greater expressive
efforts. The dialectic works beneficently with Job. Eliphaz's
first speech (ch. 4) is a curious combination of
scolding ("Behold, thou hast instructed many . . . But now it is come
upon thee, and thou faintest"), of mystical witness ("Now a thing
was secretly brought to me . . . in thoughts from the visions of the
night"), and of the proverbial comforts about suffering as the common
lot and as a corrective discipline. At the end of the speech Job is
thoroughly aroused. He will not abide such half-faced fellowship. He will not
be accused of impatience by men who have never had their own patience put to
the test. He asks of them neither material aid nor deliverance "from the
enemy's hand." What he wants is instruction. "teach me, and I will
hold my tongue: and cause me to understand wherein I have
17
erred. " This is a great gain over the
nihilism of the Curse. To be sure, as often happens in the long sequences to
come, Job relapses in the second half of his answer to Eliphaz
(ch. 7) into self-pity and lamentation: "My
days are swifter than a weaver's shuttle, and are spent without hope."
But the speech ends in a surge of vigor, in defiance not so much of the
Counselors as of Jehovah himself.
It is in this passage (7:11-21) that he commits himself to the
ultimate risk: "Therefore I will not refrain my
mouth; I will speak in the anguish of my spirit; I will complain in the
bitterness of my soul." Later, in his first reply to Zophar
(ch. 13), it is clear that he understands the full
terms of the risk: "Though he slay me, yet will I trust in him: but I will
maintain mine own ways before him." But by now Job has come to see his
own ways and his own complaints in a different light. He sees his misfortunes
not as unique but as typical of man's lot. In one phase of his being, at
least, he is becoming a partisan of the human race.23 "What is man, that
thou shouldst magnify him"-- only to torment
him? He never forgets his own personal grievances, but his thoughts turn ever
more outward; he does not "rest in his own suffering." 24 He
discourses upon God's capricious ways with all mankind: "He increaseth the nations, and destroyeth
them" (12:23); upon the flourishing of the wicked and the oppression of
the poor
(chs. 21, 24); upon the element of chance
in all life (ch. 21). For all his frequent lapses
into despair, as sudden pain strikes him or as his thoughts turn back to
happier times or forward to an uncertain future, he speaks as one having
shouldered the burden of humanity.
But this growing sense of partisanship-- like Ahab's, "for all
that has maddened and tormented the whole race from Adam down" is only
one phase of Job's experience, the structure of which, as the Poet presents
it, represents an ordering of experience which many subsequent tragedies have
imitated and all of them shared in part, some emphasizing one aspect, some
another. It was not until Job gained some mastery over his despair, chose his
course, and began his defense, that the full meaning of his position grew
upon him. This realization was to be the source of his greatest suffering,
18
beside which his physical afflictions were easy to bear. In
justice he could decry the miseries of the human lot and the baffling ways of
the Almighty, but he could not forget that it was Jehovah's hands that had
(as he says) "made me and fashioned me together round about ... [and]
granted me life and favour, and thy visitation hath
preserved my spirit." He was on the horns of a terrible dilemma--
clue to the nature of his suffering. He saw that what he had done, though
justified, was wrong. He had been justified in asserting his innocence and in
speaking out for all men who had been afflicted as he had. But it was wrong,
as the Counselors repeatedly and rightly dinned into his ears, to defy the
God whom he loved. If he could have regarded the idea of Justice abstractly,
his suffering would not have involved this peculiar anguish. It was the
Person in the impersonal that Job loved and could not repudiate-- and which
monomaniac Ahab hated and spat upon. It is this agony of dilemma, of the
knowledge of the ambiguity of every choice, that,
since Job and the Greeks, has defined tragic suffering. The capacity for such
suffering (and even Ahab "has his humanities" 26) has ever since
been the mark of the tragic figure-- he who is caught between the necessity
to act and the knowledge of inevitable guilt. Job felt duty-bound to
challenge God, Orestes to kill his mother, Hamlet to kill his uncle; and all
of them knew guilt. Job had progressed from the experience of mere pain and
distress to the experience of suffering.21
In the course of the long ordeal, the Poet reveals many personal
qualities in Job that have since been appropriated into the tradition of
formal tragedy. "The ponderous heart," the "globular
brain," the "nervous lofty language" which Melville saw as the
qualities of the tragic hero are all in Job. After
Job and the Greeks, it became part of the function of tragedy to represent,
and make probable, figures of such stature. What would break lesser folk-- the
Counselors, or the members of the chorus-- releases
new powers in Job. His compulsion toward self-justification sends him far and
wide over all the affairs of men, and deep within himself; and the agony of
his guilt propels him ever nearer his God. He sets
19
himself in solid debate against the
Counselors: "I have understanding as well as you: I am not inferior to
you." He answers their arguments in the full sweep of a massive mind,
rich in learning and in the closest observation of human life. He resists
every temptation to compromise or turn back, like Ahab denying Starbuck, or
Hamlet thrusting aside his friends. As he gains in spiritual poise (though
his course is very uneven), his mental processes become more orderly. He
talks increasingly in legal terms. The universe becomes, as it were, a local
court of justice where his "cause" can be "tried." "Behold
now, I have ordered my cause; I know that I shall be justified." In one
mood he complains that there is no "daysman,"
or umpire, to judge his case; in another he calls upon God to act as judge
against Himself. He speaks of his "witness" and his
"record" and longs to have his case recorded in a book-- like
Othello or Hamlet, wanting his full story told.
Nothing is more revealing of Job's (and the tragic hero's) stature
than the contrast which the Poet develops between Job and the Counselors. Job
outstrips them in every way. By chapter 28 Job has achieved an ironic
reversal of roles: the Counselors who came to teach him are now being taught
by him-- and on the subject of Wisdom. He fails to convince them of the
injustice of his suffering or even of the possibility of a law in their pat
theology. But in failing to change their minds he demonstrates the littleness
of minds that cannot be changed. He grows in stature as they shrink. He knows
that he has achieved a vision, through suffering, beyond anything they can
know. He has mystical insights, as when he sees into the time, perhaps long
after his death, when his Vindicator "will stand up upon the
earth," and when "without my flesh I shall see God." 29 On his
miserable ash-heap (and this is what the Counselors never see) Job rises to
heights he never reached in the days of his worldly prosperity, when in his
presence "the aged arose and stood up, the princes refrained
talking." His summing up, the Oath of Clearance (chs.
30-31), is orderly and composed. He is the master of his spirit. When the
Voice from the Whirlwind begins its mighty oration, the Counselors seem not
part of the picture at all. They return in the folk story conclusion (41:7)
only to be rebuked: "the Lord said to Eliphaz
the Temanite, My wrath is kindled against thee, and
against thy two friends: for ye have not spoken of me the thing that is right, as my servant
Job hath."
20
So far, the meaning of Job for the tragic tradition is this: A new
dimension of human experience, a new possibility, has been explored and
rendered probable. Vision, working on the raw materials of experience, has
hammered out a form. New value has been found where it was least expected-- in
the clearest possible case of unjustified suffering. Suffering itself, as the
Poet of Job defines it, has been made to yield knowledge, and the way has
been plotted out. After this achievement by the Poet of Job and after the
similar achievement by Aeschylus in what may have been the same era of
antiquity (the fifth century), the "tragic form" was permanently available.
No subsequent artist whose imagination was attracted to this mode of writing
could ignore it.
It has seemed to many that in the final stages of Job-- the speech of
Elihu, the Voice 'from the Whirlwind, Job's
repentance, and the folk-story ending-- tragic meaning, as the Poet has so far
defined it, is swallowed up in mystical revelation or orthodox piety. In one
sense it is true that the final phase of Job's experience carries him beyond
the tragic domain, and the book as a whole is a religious book and not a
formal tragedy. The revelation granted Job, and his repentance, would seem to
deny the essence of his previous situation-- the agony of dilemma, of the
opposing compulsions of necessity and guilt. Certainly no such unequivocal
Voice speaks to Antigone or Hamlet or Hester Prynne, who conclude
the dark voyage in the light of their own unaided convictions, and live out
their dilemmas to the end. But in these final scenes the tragic vision of the
Poet is still active. Ambiguities remain, and the central question of the
book is unanswered. Also, in the treatment of Job's pride, in the final
revelation of how Job learned humility, in the irony with which the
"happy ending" of the folk story is left to make its own statement,
the Poet includes much that is relevant, as we can now see, to the tragic
tradition.
21
At the end of his Oath of Clearance, Job had achieved a state of what
Aristotle called catharsis. He had challenged the Almighty, made his case, and
purged his spirit. He was in a Hamlet-like state of readiness. In taking him
beyond catharsis into abject repentance and self-abhorrence, the Poet makes
of him a religious rather than a tragic figure; but the Poem as a whole makes
an important statement about pride, which the Greeks were to make repeatedly,
though from a different perspective. According to the Poet, and to the Greek
tragedians, pride like Job's is justified. It has its ugly and dark side, but
it was through pride that Job made his spiritual gains and got a hearing from
Jehovah himself. The Lord favored Job's pride and rebuked the safe orthodoxy
of the Counselors. The pride that moved Job is the dynamic of a whole line of
tragic heroes, from Oedipus to Ahab. It is always ambiguous and often
destructive, but it is the very hallmark of the type. 30
Although the speech of Elihu (chs. 32-37) is generally regarded as not the work of the
original Poet of Job, and although it repeats tiresomely much of what the
other Counselors had said, it has the distinction of
dealing not so much with Job's past sinfulness as with his present pride. Elihu, young, fiery, and a little pompous, is shocked
that the Counselors have allowed Job in his pride to have the last word, and
he sets out to humble him. Job's eyes have been blinded by pride, and his
ears deafened: "For God speaketh once, yea
twice, yet man perceiveth it not . . . he openeth the ears of men, and sealeth
their instruction, that he may withdraw man from his purpose, and hide pride
from man." "Why dost thou strive against him?" Elihu suggests a way of learning humility that is a
curious blend of religious insight and the wisdom of tragedy. Job must see in
God's chastisement not only discipline and a just judgment, but he must see
that in his affliction there is "delivery"-- through suffering he may
learn: "He delivereth the afflicted by their
affliction, and openeth their ear in
oppression." 31 But not only this: Job must see with his own eyes. More
than the other Counselors, Elihu turns Job's eyes
outward. As if to prepare Job for the revelations of the Voice from the
Whirlwind (in this respect Elihu's speech is a firm
dramatic bridge between Job's "Oath of Clearance" and the climactic
chapters of the book), Elihu asks him to
contemplate the magnificence of the external universe. "Stand
still," he says, "and consider the
wondrous works of God." He rhapsodizes on the lightning, the thunder, and the wind; and he sees God's
concern for men even in the snow, ice, cold, and rain,
Whether it be for correction, or for his land,
Or for loving kindness . . . 32
22
The main movement of Job's experience, from the morbid concern for
his own suffering toward membership and partisanship in the human family, is
extending even farther outward. He must now experience the Infinite or the
Absolute. Even though in formal tragedy there is no such apocalypse as Job
presently experiences, the direction is the same. Through suffering, as
Aeschylus wrote, men learn not only their littleness and sinfulness but the
positive and creative possibilities of themselves and the world they live
in. They learn them, in Job as in later tragedy, not from Counselors or
friends, but directly, on their pulses. As in the long debate with the
Counselors Job made many discoveries about himself and the human realm, so
now the Voice from the Whirlwind opens up for him the vast economy of the
universe. In this new perspective, the question 'Why did I suffer?"
loses its urgency.
The question loses its urgency-- Job never asks it again but it is
never answered. To the Poet, in contrast to the teaching of the Counselors or
The Book of Proverbs or the first
Psalm, the universe was not reasonable and not always just. He did not see it
as a sunny and secure place for human beings, where to prosper one only has
to be good. Even after the Voice ceased, Job was no nearer an understanding
of what justice is than when he began his complaints. Unjustified suffering
must be accepted as part of a mystery; it is not for man to reason why. The
universe is a realm of infinite complexity and power, in which catastrophe
may fall at any time on the just as well as the unjust. There may be enough
moral cause and effect to satisfy the members of the chorus or the
Counselors. But all the hero can do, if he is visited as Job was, is to
persevere in the pride of his conviction, to appeal to God against God, and
if he is as fortunate as Job, hear his questionings echo into nothingness in
the infinite mystery and the glory.
23
Even the folk-story ending contains a tantalizing ambiguity. Few
people go away happy at the end of Job, or if they do they miss the point. Of
course, the sense of frustration is largely eliminated by Job's rewards. God
is good; justice of a sort has been rendered; the universe seems secure. We
are inclined to smile at how neatly it works out-- the mathematical precision
of the twofold restoration of Job's possessions and his perfectly balanced
family, seven sons and three daughters-- a sign perhaps that we are in the
domain of something less elevated than Divine Comedy. But the universe seems
secure only to those who do not question too far. Can a new family make up
for the one Job lost? What about the faithful servants who fell to the Sabeans and Chaldeans? These questions the folk story
ignores, and it’s reassuring final picture also
makes it easy to forget Job's suffering and his unanswered question. Although
the irony of the folk conclusion seems un mistakable, it was no doubt this
easy piety, like the pious emendations to the bitterness of Ecclesiastes, that made The Book of Job acceptable to the orthodox for centuries. Actually,
it is a "dangerous" book. Although the Hebrews had their recalcitrant
figures, capable, like the Poet of Job, of deep penetration into the realm of
tragedy, they are rightly regarded as the people of a Covenant, a Code, and a
Book. This is one reason, perhaps, why they never developed a tragic theater,
where their beliefs and modes of living would be under constant scrutiny.
Their public communication was through synagogue and pulpit; their prophets
and preachers proclaimed the doctrine of obedience to divine law, and the
rabbis endlessly proliferated the rules for daily
life. The rebellious Job was not typical. For the most part, their heroes
were lonely, God-summoned men whose language was that of witness to the one
true light.
24
3
OEDIPUS THE KING
THAT no such light shone upon 'the Greeks is
a clue at once to the nature of their tragic vision and to the form in which
it found expression in their drama. Both vision and form differ in important
ways from the Hebraic, reflecting basic differences in the two cultures.
Indeed, western culture has often been regarded, especially since Matthew
Arnold's famous distinction between Hebraism and Hellenism, as an uneasy
dualism of Hebraic mysticism and moral intensity, and the more expansive and
humane tendencies of the Greeks. On the one hand are prophet, preacher, and
pulpit; on the other, philosopher, scientist, artist, and theater. But the
tragic voice of the two peoples is in important ways one. In both it proceeds from the existential vision, the radical
response to the life situation, and in both it is an aspect of the religious
consciousness. Suffering is inquired into, made articulate, and creatively
appropriated. There is (characteristically) the same centering of meaning in
the symbolic hero, whose suffering and discovery provide the structural
pattern. The mood is one of exploration and anxiety, and the accomplished
form speaks through dilemma and ambiguity.
But Greek dramatists achieved a technical medium, of course, more
supple, flexible, and inclusive than the confessional-homiletic style of Job.
They wrote under different skies and in a climate more favorable to the full
development of the tragic form. The humanistic focus of their culture, the
peculiar relationship between men and gods, and the institution of the theater
sent their achievement far beyond the one full-scale Hebraic tragic
achievement of The Book of Job.
25
Compared with the orthodox Hebrew universe, that of the Greeks was
stark. They had no One God, no Code, Covenant, or sacred Scriptures. Though
they knew their gods had a part in every breeze that blew, in every vital
force, and in every human action, the nature of the divine participation in
human affairs was unpredictable. There was cause for thanksgiving, as over a
happy birth, a safe voyage, or a good harvest; but no one knew why at any
moment happiness or safety or plenty might be denied. The ways of the gods
were reflected in the precarious and uncertain conditions of existence.
Legend told of changes of dynasty even in heaven. Though some gods behaved
better than others toward men, the Greeks expected perfect justice from none
of them. Even the wise Athena, in the famous case of Orestes, based her vote
not on the merits of the case but on personal grounds. In such a universe,
one must proceed warily and avoid extremes. Piety consisted in doing nothing
to anger the gods, and in pleasing, or appeasing, them through offerings.
They were not jealous as Jehovah was jealous when he commanded the Hebrews to
have no other gods before him, but often in petty, human ways. They liked
gifts, they hated to be jilted, and they worked off their spite shamelessly
on mortals or on each other. Except for a hero like Odysseus or Orestes, who
for his qualities was favored by god or goddess as ordinary men were not, a
Greek's fondest wish was that the gods would leave him alone. A Greek could
take no comfort in considering himself as made in the image of God, only a
little lower than the angels, and part of a divine, just, and beneficent
Creation. Fate, to which in a mysterious way the gods themselves were
subject, was an impersonal force decreeing ultimate things only, and unconcerned
with day-by-day affairs. 34
Beyond this, Greek theology did not go. The State could regulate
religious festivals and in time of political tension try a Socrates for
"atheism." But, as Charles Seltman has
pointed out, 35 there was no rabbinate or priestly hierarchy or Church
militant to teach or preach or declare dogmatic truth.
26
Socrates was simply a troublesome critic and alleged misleader of youth.
The Homeric tales helped mold and guide the Greek imagination, but each
individual, each new poet or philosopher, made of them what he could. They
contained many useful truths-- how heroes behaved, what the heroic virtues
were, and how to be a good Greek-- but not The Truth of revelation. The
Greeks could be said to have had an "open society" as the Hebrews,
with their Decalogue and prophecy, did not.
This "dangerous freedom" added a unique terror to the Greek
tragic vision but at the same time made the Greek drama possible. The terror
lay in this: that, in extremity, individual man was singularly unaccommodated and alone; he could not trust in the
goodness of God or abide under the shadow of the Almighty; he could expect no
recompense for a blameless life, nor, if he had sinned, could he put any
hope, like Job's Counselors, in repentance and a contrite heart. But if there
was no such orthodoxy to comfort and sustain, there was none, either, to
confine or circumscribe. Greek culture nourished, as the Hebraic did not, an
atmosphere peculiarly hospitable to drama, which became at its height an
important medium of instruction in the deepest matters of human life and
destiny. Here the Greek could witness the disparate elements of his life
brought together in a viable aesthetic-- if not moral-- synthesis. What the
materials of Greek religion-- myth, legend, folklore did with these disparate
elements was so contradictory or sketchy that for the thoughtful Greek (Seltman suggests) it must have given cause for little
more than "quiet speculation or gentle amusement." 36 But the very
formlessness of these materials gave good cause, also, to the Greek tragic
theater, where in the presence of the gods themselves the tragedies brought
them into formal and vital relationship with the affairs of men. The poets
submitted their culture to the same critical and creative process that the
Poet of Job had exercised on the folk story. Out of the contradictions and
conflicting claims of legend and myth, which in actual practice they saw
making havoc of the lives of men, they too hammered out a new form.
27
From internal evidence, at least, the tragedies are witness to a
"tragic moment" in Greek history similar to that discernible in Job.
Like all such moments, it is to be accounted for in no simple terms. The
political and social reforms of Pisistratus in the Sixth Century strengthened
Athens in all ways, and gave it a new sense of its dignity and power. His
encouragement of the arts and the institution of the great festivals, at
which, in the next century, the dramatic contests were held, prepared the way
externally for tragedy. The victory at Marathon gave to the Athenians the
same spur and tonic that Elizabethan England knew after the Armada. National
vitality and nerve, essential to creativeness of any sort, were high. The
threat from the east, though successfully overcome, brought about a crisis in
Athenian affairs in which, as in any war-situation, traditional values were
brought into new focus; a new way of thinking and a new self-consciousness
emerged. Athenian democracy under Pericles, who built the Parthenon and the Propylaea and counted Sophocles among his friends,
provided the ideal milieu for their expression. Untold new possibilities were
at hand, new discoveries imminent. In war, politics, trade, and the manual
arts, the Greeks were learning what they could do; they were preparing to learn
from the tragedians (and the philosophers) who they were.
But the immediate situation does not alone account for what Greek
tragedy actually said when Aeschylus, in the early years of the fifth
century, began writing plays. Also, there is little in pre-Aeschylean literature that could be regarded as preparing
for the tragedies, as the long tradition of "dissent" in Old
Testament literature could be said to have prepared for Job. It is thought
that Aeschylus built formal tragedy on the simple structure of village folk
drama and Dionysiac song,
which gave expression in some of their
phases to the folk sense of affliction and of the need to propitiate the
powers that brought it. His famous addition of the second actor was a gain not
only in technique but in substance; it made dramatic action possible, of course,
but more important it showed that Aeschylus recognized a kind of truth-- "tragic"
truth-- that can be conveyed only through dramatic action, or the dialectic,
as we have called it, of the play. In Homer he had at hand ample
"tragic" truth, as well as examples of superb narrative and
dramatic writing. But again, there is little in
28
Homer to account for the peculiar treatment Aeschylus gave his
materials. Simone Weil, whose essay on the Iliad is unsurpassed in its insight into the tragic aspect of Homer,
shows the world of that epic as dominated by force, blind and mechanical,
which reduces men to things and destroys them indiscriminately. Through
indirections-- image, metaphor, the stark recording of so many fatal actions--
Homer gives a sense of loss and waste and doom, even while he shows his
heroes as capable of courage and loyalty, and his gods as often benign. But
human suffering is in general presented as unrelated and haphazard. There is
no frontal assault on underlying causes, no sense that the future can differ
from the past or present. 87 No Homeric hero asks Job's radical questions. "We
men are wretched things," says Achilles wearily, "and the gods who
have no cares themselves have woven sorrow into the very pattern of our
lives." 88 Simone Weil says truly that, although
the question of justice "enlightens" the Iliad, it never "directly intervenes in it." 89 For some reason, perhaps to be
explained as much by the radical vision of a single man as by external
conditions or pressures, the question of justice came strikingly to the fore
in the Greek tragic drama. Aeschylus, in major insights so much like the Poet
of Job that he has been called the most Hebraic of the Greek tragedians, was
the first to subject the idea of justice to the full dialectic of action. It
became a recurrent theme in all Greek tragedy, from Prometheus and the Oresteia
to Medea and The Bacchae. The question "Why
does man suffer?" was seen to lead to all other questions, and thence to
the nature and destiny of man.
Without the Hebraic effort toward transcendence-- "I will lift
up mine eyes unto the hills"-- and the obsessive sense of guilt which,
as with Job, tended toward introversion, the Greek vision focused on the
immediacy of experience, and on the nature of man, more sharply and
objectively than did the Hebraic. The three tragedians are true to their
Homeric background in this respect, that they keep a sharp eye on the
present. Though the radical, metaphysical question "Why?" is
implicit, and often explicit, in all their fictions, the dramatic medium in
which they worked kept their attention centered on the "who," the
"what," and the "how" of the action.
29
Aeschylus, the most theological and moral, presses the stark and
bloody legends toward some degree of resolution or harmony between gods and
men. He would wring at least some approximation of justice from the
adventurer-gods. His Job-like Prometheus calls upon the heavens to be more
just-- and (if we can trust what tradition records about the last acts of the
trilogy) they were. At the end of the Oresteia
tensions and ambiguities remain, but Athena finally intercedes to cast some
light on the dark ways of men. In the dialectical pressures, in "the
constant grinding conflict" of the trilogy's action, human character is
revealed as no Greek before Aeschylus revealed it. The dark ways are plotted
thoroughly. But for all their enormous vitality and depth, the characters
have a static quality, slip a little too easily into categories, and seem
manipulated toward a preconceived" general truth-and a truth that leads
beyond, or above, tragedy.
Again, if it were not for Euripides' depth of insight and sure sense
of values, it could be said that he looks the other way, below tragedy. He
shows in grueling detail the disintegration of human character or the wreck
of human lives under the stresses which the gods seem willfully and cruelly
to place upon them. In every action, every passion, every step he takes, man
is vulnerable. The gods may wreck him for their sport or their jealousy, or sit
idly by while he wrecks himself. Euripides makes it clear where the major
blame lies; in such a world the ideal of justice is ironic, and man's freedom
is marginal.
Sophocles, often called the purest artist of the three, seems truest
to the "givenness," the one most inclined
to leave the question open. Aeschylus never begs the question, but he moves
beyond it toward mysticism and revelation; and Euripides' tendency is toward
nihilism and denial. Sophocles neither preaches nor rails. In the destructive
element, he would say (with Conrad's Stein), "How to be?" Man is
free but fated, fated but free. In the boundary-situation what happens? What
qualities does he reveal? Through suffering what does he learn-- not about the
gods for they are simply "given," but about himself?
Let us carry out the action (Sophocles seems to say) to its uttermost limits,
30
explore the farthest reaches of human possibilities;
only then can we pose the question of justice. If the answer is
"tragic," it is at the same time heroic-- in a way which Sophocles
(and Homer) peculiarly defined. Oedipus
the King is Sophocles' farthest penetration into these mysteries, and the
nuclear Greek tragedy.
The story of Oedipus, like the story of Job, is of a man plunged
suddenly from prosperity and power to ruin and ignominy. We see both heroes
at the height and the depth of their worldly fortunes. Oedipus, whom in the
first scene the Priest calls "the first of men," to whom all knees
are bent, is at the end polluted, blind, banished from the land he ruled and
loved and from the people who lovingly obeyed him. Job had complained of his
former friends, "They abhor me, they flee from me," and this was to
be part of Oedipus' anguish. Both stories raise the same problem and state it
in its extreme form: is there justice in a world where, for no reason clear
to the ethical understanding, the worst happens to the best? ("That inscrutable thing," cried Ahab, "is chiefly what I hate.") 40 Oedipus, no more than Job, could be held
accountable for his sufferings. He had faults, like Job, of temper and pride,
and he made mistakes in judgment. But Sophocles does not present him as, a
priori, a guilty man. The slaying of his father was done
in ambiguous circumstances and in ignorance of Laius' identity, nor did he
know that Jocasta was his mother when he married
her. The play, like Job, presents a mystery, the stubborn and destructive
stuff of experience as man meets it "on the way." Why do such
things happen? All attempts to rationalize the play, to remove "the
secret cause," fail. Oedipus' search for his own identity is of course
capable of large extension. "Who am I?" is a variant of Job's "What
is man?" and the answer is not that Oedipus is a sinner being punished
by righteous gods, or an innocent man being destroyed by malign gods, or a
man trapped by subconscious sexual jealousy of his father, or-- as the Chorus
says finally, "a man who is better off dead." The answer, as in The Book of Job, is in all that
Oedipus says, does, and becomes; all that each lesser character and the
Chorus say and do and
31
do not become; all that is implicit in image
and metaphor; all that is revealed through the rapid and relentless dialectic
of the action.
As with Job, no analysis can convey more than a part of the rich
meaning of the play. What emerges is not a doctrine or a system; it is rather
an impression or sense of life. The hard, discrete particularities are
brought into a kind of unity, but it is ambiguous, precarious, unfinal. We are left with images
that cling, that fascinate and horrify, attract and
repel, whose meanings cannot be stated precisely or ever fully reckoned. The
meanings change and accrue with the advancing action-- and afterwards in our
thoughts. Sophocles, accepting the terms of Oedipus' situation as in the old
story, sets him free, though fated, as the Poet set Job free to "to open
his mouth" in the midst of his afflictions. Oedipus speaks as much
through actions as words, and the precise or full meaning of what he does is
forever beyond our reach. What mysterious dynamic within him impels him to
pursue his quest so tenaciously? No god was at his shoulder, as when Apollo
told Orestes to murder his mother. Why did he blind himself? As he gives
reason after reason, each one loses its cogency. At the end of the play much
remains to praise, much to blame, and much to wonder at. What we thought
impossible has happened. The destructive element has yielded more than
destruction.
The first of the images that cling, and the play's first intimation
of the human condition, is the plague-stricken city of Thebes. It stands to
the play as the afflictions of Job stand to The Book of Job. It is the permanent backdrop of the play, the
steady reminder of the precariousness of our lot, of the blight man was born
for. The play opens at the point of crisis in the city's affairs. Normal life
is suspended and survival is threatened. Prayer and sacrifice have been
unavailing. The people turn in despair to Oedipus, who saved them from a
similar fate once before. But against this setting another situation unfolds,
involving Oedipus not as king and savior but as an individual human being, a
situation so horrible in its possibilities that the people, engrossed in this
new revelation, all but forget
32
their own afflictions. In this doubly destructive element,
Sophocles has set his protagonist, Oedipus or the "Oedipus-idea"
(which is Man), free, like Job, to run the full dialectical gamut, in order
to test him not only against the brute stuff of fate but against all the
standard human pressures and claims, within and without: the unruly passions
and compulsions which, like Job's, twist his course this way and that, and
the conflicting, distracting voices of his fellow beings, each with its own
claim and justification. The course differs from Job's. The dramatist leads
Oedipus gradually toward the ultimate test, and much is revealed on the way.
Without Job's peculiar sense of religious dependence and yearning, Oedipus is
more on his own. He walks a lonelier path, through a starker world. What he
finally does and says and becomes is the product of his own human stuff. And
like all human stuff as seen in the tragic vision, it is a strange mixture of
guilt and innocence, beauty and ugliness, good and bad "inseparably
together and forever."
But first, save for Oedipus' brief opening interrogation, we hear the
voice of the suppliant citizens, speaking through the Priest. Out of their
own helplessness they have come to appeal to Oedipus to rid them of the
"fiery demon gripping the city." They are the poor and oppressed
(for whom Job had compassion), the eternal, pathetic victims "as long as
the world lasts," and they can only report and lament the dark world
they find themselves in.
Sorrows beyond all telling--
Sickness rife in our ranks, outstripping
Invention of remedy--
blight On barren earth,
And barren agonies of birth--
Life after life from the wild-fire singing
Swiftly into the night.42
"All's dark," they cry (in the second Ode); "we fear,
but we cannot see, what is before us." In their lamentations, they do
not once question the nature of things. Like the Job of the folk story, they
keep the faith. They accept immediately the Oracle's explanation that their
land is polluted by the presence
33
of the slayer of Laius, and long for his
capture. But they never suggest that the terrible pestilence is unjust to
them. In the third Ode, when, to add to their anxieties, the awful truth
about Oedipus is becoming clear, even then they say:
I only ask to live, with pure faith keeping
In word and deed that Law which leaps the sky .
And the Law they refer to is the grim, retributive justice of the
gods against presuming mankind, the law which (they think) can be neither
questioned nor outdone.
It is hard to imagine a set of conditions more likely to produce a
complete spiritual upheaval than that which they face. Their domestic world
is in ruins, obviously the work of the unseen powers. Oedipus, who had been
their one hope, the man who could do no wrong, is now the target of dreadful
suspicions which, if true, would spell his downfall and threaten the
stability of the State. The angry exchanges between Oedipus and Teiresius show leadership as all but bankrupt. Oedipus
reveals ominous qualities they hardly could have expected, if we can judge by
their earlier homage and supplication. In the encounter with Creon, Oedipus
is even more arrogant and suspicious and hot-tempered, until Jocasta has to separate them like quarreling children.
These shocking revelations lead the Chorus only to reiterate the old, hard
doctrine of hubris and to call piously upon Zeus.
Who walks his own high-handed way, disdaining
True righteousness and holy ornament;
Who falsely wins, all sacred things profaning;
Shall he escape his doomed pride's punishment? .
Zeus! If thou livest, all-ruling,
all-pervading,
Awake; old oracles are out of mind;
Apollo's name denied, his glory fading;
There is no godliness in all mankind.
The present experience merely confirms their stock knowledge, that he
who would grasp for more than the common lot invites the correction of the
gods.
34
It is to their credit, perhaps, that when they see Oedipus in the final
scene, blood streaming from his eyes, their moralizing is stifled by their
horror and compassion. Perhaps they see that it does not quite fit the case;
their tact, at least, is superior to that of Job's Counselors. But still
there is no outcry against the gods, only two brief queries.
Horror beyond all bearing!
Foulest disfigurement
That ever I saw! O cruel,
Insensate agony!
What demon of destiny
With swift assault outstriding
Has ridden you down? . . .
Those eyes-- how could you do what you have done?
What evil power has driven you to this end?
The suddenness of Oedipus' fall, the twofold nature of his suffering--
"once in the body and once in the soul"-- and the name rather than
the nature of the evil power that goaded him on: these are the limits of the
Chorus' response to the awful things they have witnessed. Their final
comment, which is the last speech of the play, shows them numbed and
nihilistic. "Behold: this was Oedipus, greatest of men." This is
life; no man is happy until he is dead."
But the simple, syllogistic response of the Chorus, like that of
Job's wife, is only a part of the complicated synthesis of the play, only one
possible response to the hard truth of existence. It is only one of the many
images or voices, which, interacting, qualifying one another, welling up from
and defining the central action of the play, contribute to the total meaning.
To the questions "How to be?" "In the destructive element,
what becomes a man?" the answer of the Chorus is plaintive and un-heroic.
As an inevitable part of Oedipus' racial consciousness it must be regarded
as, for him, too, a constant compelling alternative to action. It is stated
most stridently by Jocasta when she sees where
Oedipus' action is leading: "In God's name," she cries, "if
you want to live, this quest must not go on." Like Job, Oedipus turns a
deaf ear to such counsel: "I must pursue this trail to the end."
35
To the Greeks, every action was a risk because it might invite the
displeasure of a god; but; such was the tragic aspect of existence, man had
to act. Great actions, the kind about which tragedies were written, involved
great risks; and, since they inevitably involved a degree of hubris, they
were ambiguous. Oedipus had always been a man of action. He had killed a man,
not (as Sophocles has him describe the circumstances) altogether unjustly. He
had violated no graven Law about killing; the victim happened to be his
father and a king, and for these facts alone does Oedipus admit his
pollution. Again, he had solved the riddle of the Sphinx, a "good"
act, except that, as we see him in the opening scene, he is ominously
confident of his ability to solve all other riddles. His marriage to the
king's widow had been approved by the people and entered into only after he thought
himself free and clear of the Oracle's prophecy. The Chorus had rejoiced in
his action in the crisis of the Sphinx, and they longed for his active help
in their present need. But as the truth unfolds and they see him as prideful
and overweening, they apparently wish that he had not acted at all. They even
call on Zeus to correct his pride.
But the play as a whole does not pass this judgment. It presents
Oedipus' actions, past and present, in all their multiple meanings-- and one
meaning is that such actions as his cannot be prejudged, or judged so simply.
Hubris is not "sin." It is the mysterious dynamic of all tragic
action, dangerous because it involves a challenge to the powers that be, but
not (in the tragic view) morally good or bad. It may lead to destruction-- indeed,
it so often has that the folk will have none of it; but without it, no man acts or suffers or learns. And it is the
distinctive mark of the hero. Jocasta, urging
Oedipus to desist, asks, "Have I not suffered enough?" But in
determining to pursue the trail to the end, to take all risks and bear all
consequences, Oedipus sets himself apart from her, the Chorus, and all others
around him. The hero of epic (by way of contrast) takes a different sort of
risk and invites a different sort of suffering. He would sack a city, or
found one, and he faces the possibility of failure. He stands to lose
friends, kinsmen, and his own life. But his goal is external and clear; and
though he may be
36
tempted, there is no doubt about what his
choice should be. His suffering has little in it of dilemma or enigma; it is
not, characteristically, spiritual suffering. In continuing the quest of his
own identity, Oedipus (like Job) defies the best advice of his time and
plunges into a darkness. He knows he is not wholly
right, but proceed he must. A man without hubris would have humbly acquiesced
in his fate and let it unfold as it would. There would have been no significant
action. Oedipus wants to wrench from fate its full truth, and at once. He
will take whatever comes, and so he acts.
Oedipus' action, his relentless pursuit of the truth about the slayer
of Laius, culminating in the cataclysmic stroke of his self-blinding, stirs
from their long-dormant state a host of loyalties and disloyalties, beliefs
and disbeliefs, goods and evils; sets them in new perspective; and reveals
new and more endurable truth about them. His action sets other actions going,
some mean, some beautiful, both in himself and others. Each action reveals
the doer more clearly for what he is, and the world
he lives in more clearly for what it is. Oedipus' own qualities of suspicion,
arrogance, and temper, which worry the Chorus and infuriate Teiresias and Creon, appear in a different light as these
actions unfold, no more definitive of his character than Job's early
bitterness and despair defined Job.
Teiresias (the first to be drawn into the
action), though justly indignant (as far as the play tells us) at Oedipus'
threats and accusations, appears as a good prophet but no hero. For pity's
sake he would have withheld the truth and retained the status quo. Better for
man not to know either the worst or the best about his nature. Teiresias is a specialist and a conservative. His
business is to tell the future, not to comment on it. We hear from him
nothing more about the justice of Oedipus' lot than from the Chorus. Creon,
too, speaks rightly in his own defense against the angry charges of Oedipus.
But he too is a specialist, and his speciality is
circumspection. He is the professional moderate. Why should he have plotted
against Oedipus when he is entirely satisfied with his life as it is?
"What more could any moderate man desire?" he asks Oedipus. "I
stand in all men's favour, I am all men's friend." His defense is his record
and his character: middle of the road, safe and sane. After Oedipus'
self-blinding,
37
he conducts himself, and the situation
correctly, firmly, and with some compassion, but no more than prudence
permits. It seems little more' than another episode to him, his first problem
as king. Jocasta is the central figure in this
pattern of evasion in which Oedipus himself operates up to a certain point. Her
first action, at Oedipus' birth, was to expose the child on the slopes of Mt.
Cithaeron in an effort to escape the prophecy of the Oracle. Though no Greek
could have told her whether the action was right or wrong, he might have told
her it was useless. Neither she nor Oedipus, when he tried to evade the
prophecy by judicious change of residence, seems to have been involved in
serious impiety. No one accuses them of trying to controvert the will of the
gods. In the final scene, this theme is strikingly absent from the comments
of the Chorus; and when Oedipus questions Creon's suggestion of consulting
the oracle about what to do with him, he is met only with this terse rejoinder,
"Now even you will trust the God." But during the rising action of
the play, Jocasta' s wifely concern was to keep Oedipus from trouble, to
still his worries; and so she persistently tried to discount the authority of
the Oracle. The closer Oedipus gets to the truth, the more frantic she
becomes; until, in her moment of jubilation when the Messenger reports the
death of Polybus, Oedipus' supposed father, she
slips into
a cynicism which denies all divine order whatever:
Fear? What has a man to do with fear?
Chance rules our lives, and the future is all unknown.
Best live as best we may, from day to day.
Nor need this mother-marrying frighten you;
Many a man has dreamt as much. Such things
Must be forgotten, if life is to be endured.
Oedipus, though tempted under the first shock of Teiresias'
charge and, later, by Jocasta' s blandishments, never goes so far. The charge that he
was Laius' slayer had come suddenly, like Job's afflictions, and had had the
same unbalancing effect. Oedipus had struck back in a fury of self-protection.
The reverent tones in which he had first addressed Teiresias,
the all-knowing
38
prophet, "our only help and protector," had turned
suddenly to vituperation and countercharge. As with Job, the black bile of
his nature had been started. But, again like Job, it was not long before he
gained control of himself. In the midst of his destiny, he asserts his
freedom. He proceeds like a prosecuting attorney against himself, ferreting
out the truth from every bit of evidence. Not one hint will he reject, not
one bit of the prophecy-- like "this mother marrying"-- will he
ignore. He would like to have agreed with his wife: If she [my mother] were
dead, you might have spoken so With justice; but she lives; and while she
lives, Say what you will, I cannot cease to fear. But he is soon past the
point' of temptation: "I cannot
leave the truth unknown." When finally the truth is known, the ultimate
distinction is made between him and Jocasta. Unable
to accept the terms of so horrible a reality, she makes the supreme evasion
of taking her life. Oedipus lives on to bear out his destiny to the end. In
all this, the question of justice-- the justice of Oedipus' fate-- is not
once directly raised, even by Oedipus himself, who of all the people in the
play would seem to have had the right to raise it. Twice he comes close.
Early in the play, when he first becomes aware of his vulnerable state, he
says: "Can it be any but some monstrous god Of evil, that
has sent this doom upon me? " And in the final scene when the Chorus asks him
why he put out his eyes, his answer is, "Apollo laid this agony upon
me." But there is no such open defiance of the heavens as in Job's
complaints or in Prometheus' quarrel with Zeus. Instead of Prometheus'
thundering "I was wronged!" Oedipus accepts his fate: "Be it
so." He is like all the others in the play (even the Chorus) in feeling,
apparently, the futility of verbal protest. But there is no doubt of the
desperate injustice which the play as a whole presents. As Kitto
39
points out, the injustice done to Oedipus is the apex of a pyramid of ironies and in justices-- and of
the most grievous kind: evil happens to those who intend the best. 43 Out of
pity the Shepherd spared the infant Oedipus-- for such a fate. The Messenger,
thinking to bring the best news, brought the worst. Teiresias
wished to remain silent but was forced to speak. Jocasta,
thinking to allay her husband's fears, dropped the one hint-- that the killing
of Laius took place where three roads met-- which set in operation the whole
train of events. Oedipus, searching for the slayer of Laius for the good of
his city, brought ruin upon himself, death to his queen, and the prospect of
a dreary life for his daughters. In the play no word is said about the
efficacy of his sacrifice; no one thanks him for it, nor is he consoled by
thoughts of martyrdom. Though Oedipus has faults of temper, no character in
the play consciously does evil; and yet all suffer. The general disaster is
as uncalled for as it seems crushing.
No play ever presented more starkly the terms of existence,
"what it means to be." The messenger who reports Oedipus' blinding
might well have spoken for the whole play: "All ills that there are
names for-- all are here." And yet such is the effect of Oedipus' action
that the final impression is not of unmixed evil. Although Oedipus never
questions the justice of the gods, he does something about it-- and, as it
were, outdoes it. The sustained action of his quest and the culminating
action of his self-blinding set all the other actions, including those of the
gods, in a new light. The disparate elements are reordered and recomposed.
There emerges a clear hierarchy of values around which man can reorganize his
ways-- as when, through Antigone's heroic action, the whole Theban society reforms
behind her, or when Hamlet purges Elsinore. And the principles around which
the new synthesis takes place are two: man's freedom and his capacity to
learn.
Why did Oedipus put out his eyes? Like Job's action it has "magnitude"
and is heavy with ambiguities. The scene which the Messenger reports is the
most horrible and the most enigmatic of the play: Oedipus snatching the
brooches from the bodice of his dead wife and plunging them "from full
arm's
length" into his eyes, "time and time again,"
40
Till bloody tears rain down his beard-not drops
But in full spate a whole cascade descending
In drenching cataracts of scarlet ruin.
Why this fearful image? Its surface function in the play is
relatively clear. It fulfills the prophecy of Teiresias,
that "He that came seeing, blind shall he go," clinching the ironic
theme of the blind Seer who could not, and the King who would not, see. It’s very horror shows the ironic inadequacy of the
Chorus' final response. Oedipus' own motives are far from clear. He says that
he did it to spare himself the sight of the ugliness he had caused, that he
could not bring himself to face the people on whom he had brought such suffering.
In Oedipus at Colonus
he tells his son that he did it in a moment of frenzy and not from a
sense of guilt. When the Chorus, in the present play, asks him directly why he
did it, he says that Apollo had a hand in it. Again, he says he did it so
that he might not meet eye-to-eye his father or his mother ''beyond the
grave." No one reason suffices, nor all of them
put together. The act seems compounded of opposite elements: egotism and
altruism, self-loathing and self-glorification. As an act of destruction, it
shows man at his worst, To the extent that it was
"determined," it shows the gods at their worst. But as an act of
freedom, it turns out to be curiously creative in unexpected ways, and shows
man at his best. What Oedipus insists upon in his reply to the Chorus is that
the act was his own:
Apollo, friends, Apollo,
Has laid this agony upon me;
Not by his hand; I did it.
Whatever he may have thought he was doing, the act stands in the play
as his culminating act of freedom, the assertion of his ability to act
independent of any god, oracle, or prophecy.
The "creativeness" of the act is all that is imaged in the
final scene, the colloquy with Creon and the farewell to the daughters, and, as Sophocles was to present it years later,
Oedipus' apotheosis in Oedipus at Colonus. It lies in all that Oedipus learned, about
himself and his world, and in all the
41
others learned in this and the final play.
The shrewd "reckoner" (as Bernard Knox shows 44), for whom at first
riddles were easy, in this final reckoning finds that the answer to the
question of the city's suffering is himself. The root (Sophocles seems to be
saying) is man, and the gods who preside over his destiny have little care
for whatever agony he may endure to achieve this knowledge. There is no use
seeking any justice in the process, nor does the knowledge, which is hard and
"tragic," necessarily compensate for the suffering.
But the knowledge may make the terms of existence more endurable. It
brings a greater humility, as in Oedipus' apology and deference to Creon in
the final scene and, in the opening scene of Colonus,
the quiet permissiveness of the once headstrong king, now schooled by
suffering. With humility come compassion and a new tenderness-- which Lear
learned and, Ahab rejected. The final image of Oedipus, full of concern for
his daughters even as he faces his wretched future, is in sharp contrast to
the overconfident and slightly pompous figure of the opening scenes. To those
who had looked closely, his limp, as he strode to greet the suppliant
citizens, might have been (as Francis Fergusson suggested) telltale; but he
must have seemed to them, as he seemed to himself, all-in-all sufficient.
Even then, he did not deserve his fate. The important fact is that when it
came, he accepted it, acted in accordance with it, and ultimately was saved
by it. It was not a Christian salvation, nor were his new humility and love
what the Christian understands by these virtues. He is still Oedipus; he
still (as he shows at Colonus) believes in himself
and is capable of hating his enemies. He is in no sense "born
again." But he has enlarged his domain as a human being. He has a new
sense of the powers that shape human destiny. Even, like Job, he has a new
sense of kinship with them: in Oedipus
at Colonus he tells Creon that death will not
soon take him, that he feels "preserved for some more awful
destiny"-- the mysterious finale at Colonus.
At the end of the present play, the Chorus look
on him with pity and awe, but with loathing. They avoid his blind, groping
arms. He is unclean, polluted, and he himself urges Creon to banish him at
once, to free the city of his vileness. This is done with dispatch, after a
none-too-generous moment
42
of farewell with his daughters: "This
is enough," says Creon. "Will you go in?" The Chorus conclude
the play with their warning to those who believed they had '"solved the
riddle" and that felicity was permanent. But at the end of Colonus, when Oedipus' full stature is established, the
tone is different. Loathing becomes reverence; the moralizing of the Chorus
has no more place in the scene than the pious maxims
of Job's Counselors after the Voice from the Whirlwind speaks. Although it is
perhaps wrong to read the two plays in strict tandem, since many years
separated their composition and conditions had changed, the later play has
traditionally been regarded as a comment on the earlier, or even an answer to
it. In the second play, it is said, the gods make up to Oedipus for their
injustice in the first. But the gods, as Cedric Whitman points out, actually
have little to do with it. In the second play, Oedipus still risks, suffers,
and achieves a more-than human status through the exertion of his own human
capacities-= and not through a god's grace. If the apotheosis of Oedipus, like
Job's final vision, takes us beyond the realm of tragedy, we still see, in
the final scene of the bereaved daughters, real suffering and real loss,
mitigated only by the new insight into human capacities which the hero has
revealed.
43
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